Category: Africa

  • The HumanRights4Prosperity Program Acts Worldwide: A Success Model in Guinea-Bissau

    In Guinea-Bissau, in June 2019, a training session on understanding and applying the values promoted by Human Rights was provided to a hundred women. The main objective of this training was to educate women politically and mobilize them within an emerging democracy in Guinea-Bissau. This training aimed to raise awareness of Human Rights values and develop their skills as citizens. The goal of mobilizing women was fully achieved with the creation of an agricultural cooperative, whose logistical and production expansion over the following six years strengthened the empowerment of participants. 

    Report and Expertise by Murielle Gemis, Spokesperson for the HumanRights4Prosperity Program

    In a world where economic growth and the promotion of Human Rights (1948) are often perceived as distinct goals, the HumanRights4Prosperity program demonstrates that they can be effectively reconciled to generate lasting and meaningful impacts. A concrete example of this innovative approach is currently unfolding in Guinea-Bissau. 

    Thanks to a strategic partnership between ONAMA (the women’s group of the political party APU PDGB – Assembleia de Povos Unidos) and the AMD Quinara association, a transformative project was born. After a training session provided by HumanRights4Prosperity to the women of these two groups, an agricultural cooperative was created. During this training, 100 women participated, joined by 63 men, including members of the security forces. The very next day, these women, strengthened in their confidence and ability to act, took the initiative to build an autonomous project focused on a sustainable goal. 

    (c) HumanRights4Prosperity

    Today, this cooperative, led by local women, plays a key role in agricultural production to meet the food needs of surrounding communities. To date, it supplies nine villages on the outskirts of Bissau, the capital. Its production capacity has reached such a level that it is now able to serve the entire southern region of the capital. 

    This training not only strengthened community mobilization centered on women’s empowerment but also stimulated the local economy. This success demonstrates how implementing Human Rights principles can be a powerful lever for economic and social development. 

    A Transformation Model Based on Human Rights 

    “The success of the cooperative perfectly illustrates the transformative impact of understanding Human Rights on economic and social development. In this context, we started from scratch and, by investing in training as a social foundation, we enabled communities to take charge of their future,” said Murielle Gemis, spokesperson for HumanRights4Prosperity. 

    The HumanRights4Prosperity program is designed to implement the guiding principles related to businesses and Human Rights, following the framework of “protect, respect, and remedy” (NDUH, 2011), while adapting to the cultural and social specificities of each territory, company, or state. 

    By offering targeted training and emphasizing social inclusion, the program fosters cooperation and the creation of sustainable enterprises that combine economic prosperity with respect for Human Rights. However, building such initiatives does not come without challenges, especially when starting from scratch and integrating local realities. 

    This is precisely what HumanRights4Prosperity demonstrates: by adapting its actions to specific contexts, it is possible to create viable projects that place Human Rights at the heart of political and entrepreneurial strategies. Far from being a constraint, these principles prove to be a powerful driver of social and economic transformation. 

    Thus, integrating Human Rights is not merely an ethical approach; it is also a lever to stimulate sustainable economic development and concretely improve people’s living conditions. 

    A Model to Be Deployed on a Global Scale 

    Currently, this cooperative goes far beyond a simple agricultural project: it is the symbol of profound change, demonstrating how understanding Human Rights values can generate concrete and measurable transformations. This model, founded through cooperation, proves that ethical prosperity is not a utopia but a reality when individuals are placed at the heart of priorities. 

    (c) HumanRights4Prosperity

    The project in Guinea-Bissau is among the successes achieved through the HumanRights4Prosperity approach. As the organization continues to expand its efforts worldwide, this case demonstrates that sustainable development based on Human Rights is a promising path toward a fairer and more prosperous future. 

    *The tools were provided free of charge by the humanitarian campaign Youths For Human Rights.

  • COMECE Appeals to EU for Immediate Intervention in Goma, DRC Conflict

    As the European Parliament prepares to vote on a resolution regarding the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) later this week, His Eminence Mgr. Mariano Crociata, President of the Commission of the Bishops’ Conferences of the European Union (COMECE), has issued an urgent appeal to the European Union and the international community regarding the escalating humanitarian, security, and political crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This plea comes amidst mounting evidence of widespread suffering in Goma and surrounding areas, where conflict and exploitation have left millions displaced, vulnerable, and desperate for aid.

    A Catastrophic Situation in Goma

    The city of Goma, a critical hub for humanitarian assistance, trade, and transportation in eastern DRC, finds itself at the epicenter of chaos following its seizure by the M23 rebel group and its allies. According to recent United Nations figures, nearly 3,000 people have lost their lives, while over one million have been forcibly displaced within weeks. Thousands more are seeking refuge in overcrowded churches, schools, and makeshift camps, struggling to access basic necessities such as food, water, and medical care.

    Church-run institutions, which often serve as lifelines in crises, have not been spared. Reports indicate that hospitals, including the Charité Maternelle General Hospital, have come under attack, resulting in the tragic deaths of newborn babies and severe injuries to civilians. Sexual violence against women and girls is rampant, exacerbating the already dire conditions. Catholic agencies on the ground describe scenes of desperation, with healthcare facilities overwhelmed and resources stretched to breaking point.

    EU Response and Calls for Greater Action

    While acknowledging the European Union’s recent allocation of €60 million in humanitarian aid, COMECE calls for enhanced efforts to ensure that this support reaches those most in need. Ensuring unrestricted humanitarian access to conflict zones and safeguarding civilians—particularly women and children—from violence and exploitation must remain top priorities. Furthermore, partnerships with local church networks, which continue to provide essential services like education, health, and shelter, should be strengthened.

    Mgr. Crociata underscores the importance of addressing the root causes of the crisis, which include decades of resource exploitation, foreign interference, and cyclical violence. To achieve lasting peace, he advocates for political courage and diplomatic dialogue, welcoming initiatives such as the “Social Pact for Peace and Coexistence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Great Lakes Region.” Proposed by Catholic and Protestant Churches, this roadmap seeks to end violence and foster peaceful coexistence and social cohesion.

    Foreign Interference and Regional Stability

    The involvement of foreign armies and militias, notably Rwanda’s alleged backing of the M23 rebels, represents a grave violation of international law. The M23’s declared intention to expand the conflict toward the DRC capital raises alarming concerns about regional stability. In response, COMECE urges the EU and the international community to exert pressure on these actors to cease hostilities, negotiate in good faith, and respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the DRC.

    Moreover, the looting of natural resources, including cobalt, coltan, and gold, fuels the conflict and perpetuates cycles of violence. To combat this, COMECE calls for greater transparency in mining practices and the enforcement of due diligence frameworks along supply chains linked to Congolese minerals. Economic considerations must not undermine the EU’s commitment to upholding core values and principles.

    Targeted Sanctions and Reassessing Economic Cooperation

    COMECE encourages the European Parliament to endorse appeals for targeted sanctions against individuals and entities responsible for human rights abuses and violations of international law. Additionally, the terms of economic cooperation agreements, such as the ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Sustainable Raw Materials Value Chains,’ should be reassessed to ensure alignment with ethical standards and accountability mechanisms.

    COMECE’s Appeal for Solidarity and Justice

    In solidarity with the suffering population of the DRC, COMECE pledges to closely monitor developments on the ground and facilitate communication between the local Church and EU institutions. Through prayer and advocacy, the organization remains steadfast in its commitment to promoting justice, dignity, and lasting peace.

    As Pope Francis recently urged, resolving the conflict through peaceful means requires the collective effort of both local authorities and the international community. The EU, as a global leader in humanitarian action and human rights advocacy, bears a unique responsibility to act decisively and effectively. By prioritizing diplomacy, accountability, and collaboration, it can help transform the current tragedy into an opportunity for reconciliation and renewal in the heart of Africa.

  • Russian bank cards are given to clerics of the Patriarchate of Alexandria

    Russian bank cards are given to the African clerics of the Patriarchate of Alexandria who switch to the Moscow Patriarchate in the so-called “African Exarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church”. This was told by the Ukrainian theologian Archimandrite Kirill (Govorun), who attended an international conference in Sweden dedicated to the crises in world Orthodoxy. The first session was dedicated to Ukraine and Georgia, and the second to Africa. A participant from Africa gave a report on how the “African Exarchate” was formed. According to him, the Russian state needs a church structure in Africa to facilitate the resolution of political and business issues with local authorities: “In Africa, people in religious clothes have great authority and the door of every office opens for them. The Kremlin opens some of these doors with the help of people in cassocks”. At the same time, the priests of the Russian Orthodox Church acted as recruiters of local men for the war with Ukraine: “These people also indirectly or directly recruit local people to go to Russia. The locals trust them because ‘people in cassocks don’t give bad advice.’ So they go and then some end up at the front.”

    A participant in the conference told the story of an Orthodox seminarian who went to Russia to enter a seminary, but there they took his passport and began to prepare him for the front: “He found out in time what they were preparing for him and managed to escape.”

    It also became clear that African clergy who leave the Patriarchate of Alexandria and switch to the Russian Orthodox Church are issued a bank card, which, however, is not in their name: “Those who switch from the Patriarchate of Alexandria to the Moscow Patriarchate are given a bank card, on which they receive 200 euros every month. However, the card is not issued in their name, but to Russian organizations. One cleric even had a card with Prigozhin’s name on it. This makes these people highly dependent and, moreover, allows for the misuse of funds allocated for Africans. Adherents of local religious cults or confessions that are not even Christian, register with the Orthodox clergy in order to receive a bank card. Meanwhile, more principled Orthodox Christians, disappointed with such missionary methods, switch to other confessions.”

    Ultimately, this inevitably leads to disillusionment with Orthodoxy and destroys the fruits of the Orthodox mission on the African continent.

  • Fintech Boom Drives Financial Inclusion in Africa, Yet High Funding Costs Block Climate and Digital Progress

    In a newly released report, the European Investment Bank (EIB) reveals that Africa’s fintech sector has nearly tripled in size since 2020, bringing vital financial services to underserved communities across the continent. However, the report, Finance in Africa 2024, also underscores significant barriers to growth: high funding costs and limited capital, which are hindering Africa’s climate and digital transitions.

    “Fintech is revolutionizing the way we think about finance in Africa,” noted EIB Vice-President Thomas Östros. “By leveraging technology, we can improve access to finance for millions and foster sustainable economic growth.”

    The rapid expansion of digital finance solutions is shifting the African financial landscape, with fintech firms multiplying from 450 in 2020 to 1,263 in early 2024. This boom is increasing access to credit, particularly benefiting small businesses and marginalized populations, according to the EIB’s ninth annual Banking in Africa survey.

    While digital solutions flourish, traditional banking in Africa faces considerable challenges. About one-third of African banks reported a lack of capital and cited funding costs as obstacles to growth. These constraints contribute to Africa’s declining private-sector credit, which fell from 56% of GDP in 2007 to 36% in 2022, stalling progress in industrialization and economic resilience.

    EIB Chief Economist Debora Revoltella emphasized the urgency of addressing these challenges to unlock Africa’s potential. “While we see some signs of improvement, the high cost of finance remains a source of concern. As we navigate the dual challenges of climate change and digital transformation, the role of multilateral development bank lending is even more relevant in supporting sustainable growth on the continent.”

    The report highlights Africa’s heightened vulnerability to climate change, with 34% of surveyed banks noting asset quality deterioration due to extreme weather events. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are particularly affected, as climate-related risks undermine their resilience and creditworthiness. Revoltella’s call to action underscores the need for financing models that can absorb climate risks while fostering economic growth.

    Gender-sensitive lending is another notable trend identified in the report. Nine out of 10 banks across Africa are considering or implementing a gender strategy, encouraged by data showing better loan performance among women-led businesses. Nearly 70% of banks reported lower rates of non-performing loans for women-owned firms, and 17% plan to introduce a dedicated gender strategy to expand this promising avenue.

    Economic conditions in Africa are gradually improving, with sovereign bond yields falling, giving several nations renewed access to international bond markets. However, the EIB Financial Conditions Index still shows overall financial conditions as restrictive, posing challenges to private-sector growth.

    The EIB Global, a division dedicated to international partnerships, seeks to bridge these financial gaps by supporting sustainable investment in Africa. Through initiatives such as Global Gateway, EIB Global aims to mobilize €100 billion in investment by 2027, with a particular focus on digital infrastructure and climate resilience.

    The Finance in Africa 2024 report offers a comprehensive analysis of both the opportunities and the structural challenges facing Africa’s financial sector. As fintech continues to transform the region’s financial services, the EIB’s report underscores that easing financial barriers and investing in climate adaptation are essential steps toward a sustainable and inclusive economic future in Africa

  • Shadows Over Democracy in Mozambique

    In a deeply concerning development in Mozambique’s political landscape, the European Union (EU) has condemned the recent killings of two prominent figures: Elvino Dias, a legal advisor to Presidential candidate Venâncio Mondlane, and opposition politician Paulo Guambe. The EU stated that these politically motivated murders have no place in a democracy and expressed its heartfelt condolences to the families and friends of the deceased.

    The EU’s strong condemnation comes in the wake of alarming reports regarding the violent dispersal of political supporters following last week’s elections in Mozambique. The Union has called for an immediate, thorough, and transparent investigation into the killings, demanding justice for those responsible and clarity on the circumstances surrounding these outrageous crimes. The EU reiterated its hope for a timely response from the Mozambican Government, emphasizing that a quick and effective inquiry is essential to restore public confidence.

    In addition to seeking accountability for the murders, the EU has urged all parties to exercise restraint during this turbulent post-electoral period. The organization underlined the importance of respecting fundamental freedoms and political rights, asserting that strong protective measures for all candidates are crucial to ensuring their safety and fostering a more stable political environment.

    Meanwhile, the European Union Election Observation Mission remains actively engaged in Mozambique, closely assessing the ongoing electoral process. The EU expects the country’s Election Management Bodies to uphold integrity in their operations, ensuring that the electoral process is conducted with due diligence and transparency—reflecting the will of the Mozambican people.

    As the nation grapples with the implications of these political killings, the international community watches closely, hoping for accountability, peace, and the preservation of democratic values in Mozambique.

  • China is building a Taiwan in Palestine

    The “Global South” challenges the “Global North”, Thucydides’ Trap, BRICS vs. NATO – all these phrases refer, in fact, to China’s geopolitical moves as it enters the race with the United States for hegemon position. The race is not a sprint but an endurance marathon, with many obstacles and an unspecified time limit.

    We are witnessing an attempt to reshape the global order. Whereas during the Cold War, the global balance was dictated by the rivalry between the Soviet Union and the United States, which controlled opposing blocs, we are now moving towards the re-emergence of a bipolar world, where the United States and China could share the leadership in a so-called “G-2”.

    After the collapse of the USSR, the United States had no rivals and took on the role of undisputed global leader. By investing heavily in its military, it has secured military superiority and has managed to spread its strength to every corner of the globe. Now China is beginning to challenge American global dominance.

    The Chinese Defense “White Paper” states that “China will never seek hegemony and will never pursue military expansion, now or in the future, regardless of its level of development.” However, with this denial, China has merely announced its aspirations. Being the only nation that has felt like stating that it does not aspire to global hegemony.

    The US, on the other hand, has become comfortable in the position of hegemon and is no longer accustomed to dealing with independent power centers. US politicians are not used to formulating policy through multilateral consultations with other nations and this is already bothering the BRICS bloc.

    Force projection

    Through its recent foreign policy, the US has lost some of its global influence but has managed to retain key points of control – Taiwan, Israel, Eastern Europe, Australia. Yet it has lost Africa and substantial parts of the Middle East.

    China instead is on the offensive, the Belt and Road Initiative, the BRICS alliance, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the growing strategic cooperation with Russia, the internationalization of the yuan, the expansion of military power and the vigorous pursuit of scientific and technological autonomy are important steps taken by Beijing. This is seen across al fields, including quantum computing where the two powers aim to get ahead of each other.

    If we stick strictly to force (military and economic), the United States leads the field. There is no other state that can project force in any area of the world and economically control more markets. The United States also leads the most powerful military alliances – NATO and AUKUS.

    The Sino-US competition can be seen in many points around the globe and beyond the economic deferend can be seen diplomatic-military moves made through proxies. The best known inflection point is Taiwan, but not the hottest. At the moment, China is focusing on the Middle East, specifically the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

    China is increasing its influence in the Middle East

    Since becoming a net oil importer in 1993, China has procured almost half of its oil from the Middle East. By 2023, Saudi Arabia was China’s second largest oil supplier after Russia, accounting for 15% of imports. These energy ties paved the way for strong and diverse trade relations. In 2022 alone, trade between China and the Middle East topped $507 billion, doubling the 2017 figure and outpacing the growth rates of Chinese trade with other world regions.

    As American influence in the Middle East has begun to wane, particularly following its withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 and, more recently, amid regional frustrations over its approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, China has stepped up its diplomatic and security approaches to the region. While proceeding with caution, Beijing is steadily positioning itself to assume the US role in the Middle East.

    China’s economic and political engagement in the Middle East has increased over the past decade, particularly in the wake of the Arab Spring and amid growing perceptions of US withdrawal from the region.

    The Belt and Road Initiative, launched in 2013, has significantly increased China’s engagement in the region and propelled Beijing to become the leading foreign investor in the region since 2016. Initially focused on trade and energy sector investments, Beijing has broadened the scope of its regional engagement to encompass infrastructure, technologically advanced smart city projects, innovation hubs and 5G mobile networks.

    As Beijing’s economic influence in the Middle East has grown, so has the recognition by regional powers of China’s strategic value. Middle Eastern leaders increasingly disillusioned with US policies – including the 2003 invasion of Iraq, support for the Arab Spring in 2011, the hasty exit from Afghanistan and withdrawal from nuclear negotiations with Iran – have turned to China.

    For Gulf Cooperation Council countries[1] in particular, the relationship with China has become strategic rather than opportunistic. China’s ability and willingness to cooperate with regional actors without imposing political or human rights ideals aligns with the visions of Middle Eastern leaders. This strategic approach suggests a reorientation of regional relations and positions, with China gaining prominence as an economic partner.

    China and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

    China has become even more active in the Middle East since the Biden administration began increasing pressure on China in the Asia-Pacific region. This dynamic was highlighted by the outbreak of the Gaza war on October 7, 2023.

    Despite China’s efforts to position itself as a regional mediator, its initial response to the Hamas attack on Israel was muted. Beijing notably refrained from directly condemning Hamas for the atrocities committed on October 7, avoiding any specific mention of the organization.

    Disappointment and anger arose in Israel because of China’s lack of empathy, one-sided criticism of Tel Aviv and the fact that the United States was seen as a supporter of Israeli military actions in Gaza. A significant step in the evolution of Beijing’s position took place in February 2024, when China’s representative to the International Court of Justice affirmed the Palestinians’ right to self-determination, including the use of armed struggle, signaling more explicit support for Hamas.

    For Beijing, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is less about the Palestinians or the Israelis and more about its position in the region, its interests in relation to Arab countries and Iran and the Global South, and its strategic position vis-à-vis the United States.

    China has no shared history with Europe, no ancient wounds, no widespread concept of anti-Semitism or Holocaust memory.

    Recently, and particularly during the Gaza war, China has used the conflict as a tool in its competition with the US. China has used the conflict to discredit the United States while strengthening its position.

    An important objective of China has also been to secure Arab and Muslim support for its policies in Xinjiang[2], while dismissing Western and especially US criticism of Beijing’s human rights policies as hypocritical. As such, China’s strategy throughout the Gaza war has been one of alignment with the interests of the Arab world while differentiating its position from that of the US.

    Moreover, China’s clear and calculated shift towards a more assertive and pro-Palestinian stance in the Israel-Hamas conflict also reflects the evolution of its strategic priorities and interests in the Middle East. This has shown that Israel does not occupy an important place in Beijing’s strategic calculus, and any deterioration in its relationship with Israel is seen as manageable within the broader regional and geopolitical game.

    By organizing talks with Palestinian factions[3] China is trying to align itself with Arab nations that see Palestinian unity as essential to the rapprochement towards a Palestinian state and as a key to a stable Middle East.

    America’s flashpoint is Tel Aviv

    During an OEP visit to China in 1965, Mao Zedong said, “Imperialism fears China and the Arabs. Israel and Taiwan are the bases of imperialism in Asia. You are the front door of this great continent; we are the back door. They created Israel for you and Taiwan for us. The West does not really like us and we must understand that. The Arab war against the West is a war against Israel.”[4]

    Now China believes it is powerful enough to spread force to various global points. Thus, the Beijing is using the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to keep the US in check. Beyond media support and positioning within the UN, China uses its allies to limit Israel’s moves as much as possible.

    Pakistan, which tends to become a Chinese region, has already taken an important step against Tel Aviv. The Pakistani government has announced the formation of a committee to identify companies that financially support Israel’s war in Gaza and recommend a ban on their products, according to an aide to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif[5].

    Islamabad has formally decided to recognize Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a “terrorist,” declaring Tel Aviv a “war crimes entity.”[6]

    South Africa filed a lawsuit against Israel, accusing it of committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. The death toll in Gaza has exceeded 40,000,[7] according to health officials in the territory besieged and bombed by Israel.

    South Africa’s case before the United Nations court in The Hague alleges that Israel has violated the 1948 Genocide Convention, which was established in the aftermath of the Holocaust, and calls on all countries to prevent the recurrence of such crimes.

    Another country, an EU and NATO member, feverishly supporting Palestinian rights and accusing Israel of genocide is Spain, which has joined South Africa. Spain has also recently recognized the Palestinian state and Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez has just returned from a historic visit to China.

    Among the countries susceptible to Chinese lobbying are Turkey (which has formally applied to join BRICS) and Norway[8] (which recently recognized Palestine).

    China has managed in a relatively short time to put a lot of pressure on Israel and consequently on Washington. According to Axios[9], Tel Aviv is lobbying members of the US Congress to pressure South Africa to drop its legal proceedings at the International Court of Justice over the Gaza war, according to a telegram from the Israeli Foreign Ministry.

    International pressure against Israel will increase in the coming period as China has a vested interest in keeping Washington occupied with the situation in the Middle East, a chapter the Americans had hoped to close in order to diminish US attention in the Asia-Pacific region.

    If we look at the past, China has had significant success in applying a similar strategy when it was on the march to win African hearts and minds during the Mao period. A mix of local investment and aid, coupled with a strong disinterest in pushing local African leaders to pursue human rights reforms otherwise requested by American aid platforms, has allowed China to secure strategic UN positions via African counterparts in its efforts to keep Taiwan under control.

    China has managed to find the US’s vulnerability and is exploiting it both directly and through proxies.

    [1] https://www.gcc-sg.org/en-us/Pages/default.aspx

    [2] https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-xinjiang-uyghurs-muslims-repression-genocide-human-rights

    [3] https://edition.cnn.com/2024/07/23/china/hamas-fatah-palestinian-factions-beijing-intl-hnk/index.html

    [4] https://unitedworldint.com/31959-chinas-position-on-the-palestinian-israeli-issue/

    [5] https://www.arabnews.com/node/2552541/pakistan

    [6] https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20240723-as-pakistan-labels-israels-pm-a-terrorist-it-must-keep-its-own-extreme-elements-under-control/

    [7] https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/gaza-death-toll-how-many-palestinians-has-israels-campaign-killed-2024-07-25/

    [8] https://www.reuters.com/world/chinas-xi-seeks-friendly-cooperation-with-norway-green-energy-evs-2024-09-09/

    [9] https://www.axios.com/2024/09/09/israel-gaza-icj-genocide-un

    [10]https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2024/06/why-strong-regional-value-chains-will-be-vital-to-the-next-chapter-of-china-and-africas-economic-relationship/

  • The European Union and Morocco: Navigating Trade Relations and Geopolitical Issues

    The European Union and the Agreements with Morocco: An In-Depth Analysis of Recent Developments

    The European Union (EU) has recently taken crucial decisions regarding its fisheries and agriculture agreements with Morocco, a matter that raises complex economic, political and legal issues. These agreements, which allow European vessels access to Moroccan waters and facilitate the import of Moroccan agricultural products into the European market, are essential for both parties. However, they are also marked by tensions linked to the Western Sahara issue.

    Legal background to the agreements

    The fisheries and agriculture agreements between the EU and Morocco have been renewed several times since they were first signed. However, their legitimacy has been called into question, notably following rulings by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). In 2016, the CJEU annulled a fisheries agreement, arguing that it failed to comply with international law, particularly with regard to the rights of the Saharan people. The Court stressed that the resources of Western Sahara cannot be exploited without the consent of its people, leading to a re-evaluation of existing agreements.

    Morocco’s position and international support

    Morocco has championed an autonomy initiative for Western Sahara, proposing a solution that would allow the territory to enjoy a degree of autonomy while remaining under Moroccan sovereignty. This initiative has received the support of over 100 nations, including major geopolitical players such as the United States, France, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, Germany and Spain. This international support is crucial for Morocco, as it strengthens its position on the international stage and enables it to legitimize its actions regarding the Western Sahara.

    Morocco maintains that the proposed autonomy is the best solution for ensuring stability and development in the region. The Moroccan authorities maintain that this initiative could encourage dialogue and cooperation between the various stakeholders, while guaranteeing respect for the rights of local populations.

    Reactions from the Polisario Front

    In contrast, the Polisario Front, which claims independence for Western Sahara and is supported by Algeria, advocates a referendum on self-determination for the Saharan people. This position has historically enjoyed some international support, but is currently less popular in the current geopolitical context.

    The difficulties of implementing a referendum are manifold. Analysts point out that issues such as voter registration, factional tensions and security concerns make it a complex option. Moreover, international support for the Polisario Front has waned in recent years, further complicating its position.

    Economic consequences of the agreements

    The fisheries and agriculture agreements are of vital importance to the Moroccan economy. The fishing industry, in particular, is an essential source of income and employment, especially in coastal regions. Access to the European market enables Moroccan fishermen to sell their products at a competitive price, while meeting the growing demand for seafood products in Europe.

    At the same time, the agricultural agreement also opens up opportunities for Morocco to export agricultural products, promoting the development of Moroccan agriculture. For the EU, these agreements guarantee a stable supply of food products while supporting sustainable fishing, which is crucial in the context of growing concerns about food security in Europe.

    Future challenges

    The challenges facing the EU and Morocco are many. The need to reconcile economic interests with the requirements of international law and humanitarian concerns is paramount. The situation in Western Sahara continues to be a sticking point influencing EU negotiations and decisions.

    The EU seeks to maintain advantageous trade relations with Morocco while respecting the principles of international law. The complexity of this situation calls for continuous and constructive dialogue between the various parties, in order to find lasting solutions that are acceptable to all.

    Future prospects

    In the future, the EU may consider modifications to its agreements to ensure their compliance with international legal standards while safeguarding its economic interests. Enhanced dialogue between the EU and Morocco will be essential to navigate these complexities. Morocco’s international support could also play a key role in future discussions, influencing EU decisions.

    In summary, the EU’s decision on fisheries and agriculture agreements with Morocco represents a delicate balance between economic interests, legal considerations and humanitarian issues. Future discussions will need to take these various aspects into account to achieve sustainable solutions, while recognizing the international context that shapes this dynamic. The future of EU-Morocco relations will depend on the ability of both parties to overcome current challenges and cooperate constructively for the development of the region.

  • Patriarch Theodore of Alexandria was outraged by the “deafening silence” of the Orthodox superiors

    Patriarch Theodore of Alexandria sent a letter to Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew and the bishops of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, who are currently gathered in Istanbul.

    The Patriarch again calls for support against the anti-canonical actions of the Russian Church in Africa, which has launched a “mission” on the continent, consisting of creating a schism, taking away temples of the Alexandrian Patriarchate and attracting local priests for higher pay. This has also been accompanied by political action with local African governments, many of which Russia maintains close relations with.

    The letter-address of the Patriarch of Alexandria is addressed to the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew and the hierarchs of the Ecumenical See, asking for their practical support for the just struggle of the Patriarchate of Alexandria to protect the canonical order and the unity of the Church in Africa. Patriarch Theodore calls on the hierarchs to become “angels of light” and to inform every person of good will in detail about the injustice committed in Africa by the Russian Orthodox Church. He calls for pressure from the church body to return the ROC to canonical frameworks and stop its divisive actions.

    Patriarch Theodore recalls the historical responsibility of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for the preservation of the Orthodox faith and the unity of the Church and asks for its active and effective intervention in this extremely important matter.

    The appeal of the Patriarch of Alexandria also reflects his deep faith in the unity of the Orthodox Church and in the empathy between the Patriarchates, expecting the Ecumenical Patriarchate to play its primary role in resolving this crisis.

    Patriarch Theodore expresses his indignation at the “deafening silence” of the other Orthodox prelates, who did not take any action or express a position against this violation of church canons.

    This indifference and neutrality – says the patriarch – can be interpreted as tacit support for the Russian Church, thereby encouraging its anti-canonical actions.

  • Why Namibia plans to kill over 700 wild animals

    Namibia plans to cull 723 wild animals, including 83 elephants, and distribute the meat to people struggling to feed themselves due to a severe drought in South Africa, the environment ministry has ruled.

    The culling will take place in parks and public areas where authorities believe the number of animals exceeds available pasture and water supplies. South Africa is facing its worst drought in decades, with Namibia depleting 84 percent of its food reserves last month, according to UN figures. Almost half of Namibia’s population is expected to experience hunger problems in the coming months.

    With such a severe drought, human-wildlife conflicts are expected to increase if authorities do not intervene. “To this end, 83 elephants from identified conflict zones will be killed and the meat distributed to the drought relief programme,” it said in a statement.

    The country also plans to cull 30 hippos and 60 buffalo, as well as 50 impala, 100 wildebeest, 300 zebra and 100 eland.

    157 animals have already been captured by professional hunters and companies hired by the government, with more than 56,800 kilograms of meat harvested.

    “This is necessary and in line with our constitutional mandate where our natural resources are used for the benefit of the citizens of Namibia,” Reuters quoted the environment ministry as saying.

    More than 200,000 elephants are estimated to live in a protected area spread across five southern African countries – Zimbabwe, Zambia, Botswana, Angola and Namibia – making the region home to one of the largest elephant populations in the world.

    Illustrative Photo by Vik Joshi: https://www.pexels.com/photo/hippopotamus-lying-near-the-river-8150826/

  • The Impact of Political Leadership on Economic Development in Nigeria

    By Emmanuel Ande Ivorgba, PhD. Executive Director, Centre for Faith and Community Development (CFCD)

    INTRODUCTION

    The traditional concept of leadership is based on the notion that leaders are selected to command control and make final decisions for the collective group. However, through this viewpoint, leadership is viewed not only as an exercise of authority but also on the legal grounds. As societies become more complex, technical demands of the state grow, and decision authority becomes specialized. We are more naturally concerned with what leaders do with the job, and what they are and their behavior. In a country of high-rank public-private sector bureaucracy, leaders at different management hierarchical levels play a major role in shaping the direction of political life. They contribute to our understanding about the role of political leadership in policy formulation.

    Nigeria, with its vast amount of natural resources, is currently undergoing rapid economic decline. There is a high incidence of poverty, escalating inflation, balance of payment problems, as well as heavy debt-servicing problems. The root cause of this economic problem stems from the pursuit of an inappropriate economic policy. The dominance of poor leadership in policy formulation in Nigeria can clearly be identified as the main source of the problems. Political leadership is pivotal and significant in shaping the economic landscape of any nation (Klarin, 2020). The quality of any nation’s political leadership can significantly determine or influence such nation’s overall economic development trajectory. Nigeria is blessed with a vibrant human population, abundance of natural resources. These resources, coupled with the great entrepreneurial spirit and resilience of the citizens, have positioned Nigeria as a potential continental economic powerhouse. Unfortunately, and disappointedly so, weak institutional frameworks, coupled with corruption, policy inconsistencies and other numerous governance challenges, have constituted stumbling blocks to the country’s inability to effectively and efficiently harness its economic potential (Ogunleye & Adeleye, 2018).

    Economic development is a measure of the increase of per capita income, which is itself, a function of the growth rate of national income (Mankiw & Taylor, 2014). National income growth depends largely on, political leadership stability as well as the appropriate economic policies implemented by the political leadership. Also, insights into the influence of political leadership on the socio-economic development enable one to understand the roots of the poverty trap in which many developing nations are stuck. Understanding why countries have the type of leaders they do have and what determines a politician to govern well or govern poorly help us appreciate the positions of governance. This paper seeks to explore the intricate and dynamic relationship between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria. The paper will briefly examine the historical context, challenges and opportunities in Nigeria’s economic landscape, key policy decisions, and governance structures to unravel the impact of political leadership on key economic indicators such as job creation, infrastructure development, poverty alleviation, GDP growth, and foreign direct investment. The paper will provide insights into how effective leadership can catalyze positive economic transformation and propel inclusive growth and development in Nigeria. BACKGROUND With a human population of over 230 million, and rich in natural resources, Nigeria, popularly referred to as the “Giant of Africa” (UK Essays, 2018), and continental powerhouse (Akindele, et al. 2012), holds vast potential for economic growth and development. Despite this abundance of human and natural resources, the country has faced numerous complex challenges and struggles on its path to economic prosperity. Nigeria has experienced significant political, social, and economic changes since its independence from British colonial rule in 1960. Political leadership continues to play a central role in Nigeria’s fate. In general, the effects of political stability on economic development underscore the fact that political opportunities drive the economic policies in countries, especially those that are external as opposed to internal factors. The effectiveness of political leadership in providing the best opportunities for economic policies is also important because the nature of the stability is driven by how the political market works in various countries. Overall, many different types of political markets lead to different types of policy commitments. The impact of political leadership attributes is manifested through varying degrees of political stability, democratization, income inequality, and governance quality. The historical context of Nigeria’s economic development efforts has been shaped by a complex interplay of factors. These include the legacies of the colonial era, post-independence governance structures, the discovery of oil and Nigeria’s dependence on oil, political instability and social inequalities, among others. The country has experienced long periods of military rule, and military coups, disrupting democratic processes, with profound repercussions on economic management and policy consistency. While the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in the 1950s provided a unique opportunity for the transformation of Nigeria’s economy and acceleration of the development process, the country’s over-reliance and dependence on oil revenues, and neglect of particularly, manufacturing and agriculture, exposed the country’s economy to external shocks and volatility. This has been further compounded by the mismanagement of oil revenues and the absence of, or lack of diversification. Different administrations and political leaders in Nigeria, have implemented several economic policies that have generated both positive and negative impacts on the nation’s economy. Additionally, the socio-political dynamics coupled with regional disparities, ethno-religious tensions, poverty, youth unemployment, among others, underscore the multidimensional complexities that Nigeria’s political leaders must address in order to foster inclusive and sustainable national economic growth. POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN NIGERIA From the beginning, the political leadership has been infused with a degree of military dominance and military interests. Their unwillingness to relinquish control of governance and the economy exposed Nigeria’s leadership to ineffective policies that advocate autocracy, preserve tradition, uphold the old methods instead of developing creative and entrepreneurial elements to thrive when addressing economic development and socio[1]economic change. Political leadership in Nigeria is primarily dedicated to self-interests and strategies. This inadequacy largely refuses them from seeing the need for Nigeria to devise and implement the strategic economic development policies rather than the traditional growth-based doctrines provided and promoted by international economic analysts and international economic ideologues. The autocratic policy models are directed at reinforcing figureheads and also provide ‘cocktail’ solutions primarily to maintain political rivalry. As a result, policy leadership evolves less in the way of the country’s economic and social development. An important characteristic of Nigeria’s political leadership is the role of ethnic and religious affiliations in shaping political alliances and power structures. Ethno-religious dynamics and blocs have played a significant role in determining political outcomes and leadership appointments (Akande, 2016). This has often resulted in a fragmented political landscape, with leaders often prioritizing the interests of their own ethnic or religious groups over those of the nation as a whole. Also, the legacy of military rule has had a lasting impact on Nigeria’s political leadership. Many former military leaders have transitioned into civilian politics, bringing with them a hierarchical and authoritarian style of leadership that has at times undermined democratic principles (Ojo, 2017). This has contributed to a culture of strongman politics, where leaders often centralize power and suppress dissent to maintain control. There have been efforts, in recent years, to reform the country’s political leadership and improve governance standards, through initiatives such as anti-corruption campaigns and electoral reforms, to address some of the challenges facing the country’s leadership (Adesina, 2020). However, progress in this direction has been very slow, and entrenched power structures continue to pose obstacles to meaningful change. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW In analyzing how political leaders influence economic performance in Nigeria, one should be cognizant of the fact that it is the interaction of the political elite with the economic cycle that provides insight into how political institutions mediate the influence of the political elite on the economy. Nigerian society has experienced considerable political upheaval. Income inequality has increased since the 1960s, and democratic political structures have not been effectively adapted to reflect the changes in social structures influenced by modernization. The erratic progress of democracy in Nigeria and its inability to cope with the pressures of rapid modernization have led to an erosion of belief in the efficacy of the social system. Decades of authoritarian or military rule in Nigeria have had a negative impact on the quality of governance and the standard of living of most Nigerians. Nigeria’s economic development has been greatly influenced by a variety of historical, social, and political factors, including pre-colonial trade, colonial exploitation, post-independence policies, and the oil boom. In the pre-colonial period, several thriving economies with very extensive trade networks existed. For example, the Yoruba city- states existed in the southwest, the Benin Kingdom in the southeast and the Hausa kingdoms in the north, engaged in agriculture and craft production, and traded, not only among themselves, but with coastal and trans-Saharan traders (Falola & Heaton, 2008). Then came the Colonial Era, which lasted from 1861-1960, and significantly altered Nigeria’s economic landscape. During this period, the British concentrated on extraction and exportation of raw materials to feed the European Industrial Revolution. The economy was designed to produce cash crops like groundnuts, palm oil, cocoa and others to serve British interests (Ake, 1981). The Post-Independence Industrialization period, from 1960-1970 sought to transform the colonial economic structure and accelerate Nigeria’s industrial development (Ekundare, 1973). Economic development plans were then designed by the government to promote and support the diversification of the country’s economy from agriculture towards industrialization and infrastructural development. This was followed, in the 1970s, by the period of Nigeria’s Oil Boom, where the problem of the country was not money but how to spend it. Oil contributed about 90% of foreign exchange earnings and over 80% of government revenues. The result was increased urbanization and investments in the development of infrastructure, but agriculture and other sectors were practically neglected (Osoba, 1996). With support from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Nigeria adopted the Structural Adjustment Program in 1986. This was in response to the challenges of rising debt and falling oil prices. An important goal of the SAP was to liberalize Nigeria’s economy, support private enterprise and minimize state involvement. However, the immediate social impact of the SAP was increased poverty and inequality (Iyoha & Oriakhi, 2002). In 2004, the Nigeria launched the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), focusing on poverty reduction, economic diversification and infrastructure development. The NEEDS focused on the promotion of good governance practices, private sector participation, and social development programs (Soludo, 2017). the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) was launched in 2007 by the government to support and boost agriculture, manufacturing and services (Kalejaiye & Aliyu, 2013). Another policy, the Vision 2020 Agendafollowed in 2009. The goal of the Vision 2020 was to position Nigeria as one of the top 20 economies in the world by 2020. It focused on key sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services, and called for investment in human capital development and infrastructure (Ibrahim, 2020). Since 1990 to date, the country has witnessed a mixture of economic growth and setbacks. While there has been some form of stability in terms of democratic governance and political stability, corruption-induced challenges, the lack of economic diversification away from oil and lack of basic infrastructure still remain.

    The influence of political leadership on the economy has been evident in various policies, decisions, and actions taken by those in power. One key example of this can be seen in their management of the country’s vast natural resources, particularly oil. Nigeria is a major oil producer, and the country’s political leaders have often used revenue from the oil sector to fund government programs and projects. Unfortunately, mismanagement, corruption, and lack of diversification have led to a situation where the economy remains heavily reliant on oil, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in global oil prices (Oyekola, 2015). In order to attract investments and spur economic development, sound economic policies, infrastructural development and regulatory frameworks are very essential. However, political instability, policy inconsistency, and corruption have often deterred investors, leading to suboptimal economic performance (Onyishi, 2018). Also, decisions in respect to government spending, currency stability, taxations and interest rates, are important factors that influence economic performance. Purposeful and effective political leadership in these areas can lead to sustainable economic growth, while poor decisions, as Nigeria’s experience has shown, exacerbate economic challenges(Akinbobola, 2019).

    Nigeria has just as much potential as almost any other developed country and can show the same improvement if their government becomes truly transparent and accountable, focusing on creating a conducive enabling environment for organizing Nigerian civil society to generate growth. The importance of political instability and poor governance to the decline of Nigeria’s business climate is not limited to discouraging large foreign investors, but it also affects small and medium-sized businesses. Banks are also affected in several ways by the political instability and poor governance of the country. Political instability contributes to a high-risk credit market and reduced access to credit for the private sector. The financial sector is one area in which scientific and internal market work can be done to establish how poor governance affects Nigeria’s economy.

    POLITICAL ECONOMY THEORIES

    The literature on political economy (Mills, 2005) as well as political business cycle theory (Nordhaus & William, D, 1975) is rich with reasons why politicians in particular would want to shape economies. They have incentives to gain from various forms of rent seeking. Classical and neoliberal economists have come up with mechanisms through which leaders can manipulate areas of the economy to stay in power. Politicians also agree to a social contract with citizens to provide public goods in return for a mandate to govern. There are incentives for politicians to supply public goods to maintain power. Politicians may choose to use economic policy to expand a country’s productive capacity or improve national welfare as part of their stewardship. This may involve providing an enabling environment where the private sector flourishes and produces many desirable goods and services. Politicians can also manipulate the economy by trading off some economic policy in exchange for political survival. Political leaders remain the most important economic agents whose intentions to grow the economy can impact on aggregate productivity and improve economic outcomes.

    Political economy theories offer insights into the complex interplay of institutions, interests and power, as well as different perspectives on the relationship between economics and politics. Some key political economy theories include:

    a. The Classical Political Economy Theory, which began around the 18th and 19th centuries, was very prominent and promoted by great thinkers and renowned economists like Adam Smith and David Ricardo, among others. The classical political economy theory emphasizes minimal government intervention, free markets and self-interests in driving economic outcomes. Proponents of the classical political economy theory believe that overall economic prosperity through the invisible hand mechanism (Smith, 1776), would result from self-interest.

    b. The Marxist Political Economy Theory: Developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the Marxist political economy theory deals with the relationship between social classes, labour and capital. The foundation of this theory is that capitalism is inherently exploitative, hence proponents of Marxist political economy theory advocate for the overthrow of the capitalist system (Marx, 1867), and the establishment of a classless society rooted in the common ownership of th means of production.

    c. The Institutional Political Economy Theory: The Institutional Political Economy Theory is described as a fusion of economic analysis with political science and sociological insights, in order to properly examine how economic behaviour and outcomes are shaped by institutions. The theory highlights the significance and influence of formal and informal rules and norms, including power structures in economic decision-making (North, 1990). Institutions have the capacity to either promote or hinder economic development and social welfare.

    ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

    Economic growth is a significant contributor and necessary component of economic development. Economic development is the creation of enabling conditions that promote and stimulate rapid and substantial increase in the basic material well-being of the majority. This is achievable by the implementation of political leadership policies to promote economic growth through land reforms, capital intensive industrialization, educational stimulus and effective public health system. Economic development must be measured through such areas as the reduction in the opportunities for malnutrition, the considerable reduction in high infant mortality rates, the availability of potable water, the availability of access to quality educational material, the growth of public health, greater opportunities for employment, the gradual socio-economic level generated by the majority of the people whereby an average level of society is established, the reduction in the level of high inflation and unemployment, indices of per-capita income, and through the efficient allocation of resources in regulating the type of social relationships. The term “economic development” can be viewed from the perspective of a false dichotomy in the development process. The dichotomy resulted due to the identifying of economic development with the advancement of the “center” (the more developed and industrialized countries, usually capitalist, on the one hand) and the possibilities of the “periphery” (viz the less developed, under-developed, undeveloped or developing countries, often countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, on the other. What the political economist referred to frequently as “economic growth” – a sustained increase in the output of goods and services of a country, usually measured at one sector of the economy most times through the increase of the Gross National product (as one of the forms of indicators of economic development) is often confused with economic development itself. Historically, Nigeria’s economic development has evolved significantly, shaped by its rich endowment of natural resources, governmental policies, and its interactions within the global economy. Nigeria’s oil and gas sector accounts for about 90% of export earnings and more than 50% of government revenue (Central Bank of Nigeria, 2022). This over-dependence on oil and gas has made the country’s economy highly susceptible to global oil price fluctuations. Efforts have been intensified in recent times, to diversify the economy through the development of the agricultural sector, which accounts for about 70% of the labour force and about 24% of the country’s GDP (National Bureau of Statistics, 2022). The Manufacturing sector, though still nascent, holds great promise, in terms of its contributions to the nation’s GDP. This is the clear focus of the Nigeria Industrial Revolution Plan (NIRP), designed to support the manufacturing sector to become globally competitive by increasing the sector’s manufacturing base (Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment, 2022). The services sector has recorded the fastest growth in Nigeria, with telecommunications driving the expansion of mobile telephony and internet penetration. The financial services industry has been revolutionized, enhancing financial inclusion (PwC, 2023). Despite such progress, especially in the services sector, Nigeria’s economic development is still hampered by challenges of corruption, insecurity, political instability, and unacceptable unemployment rate, especially among the country’s youth population. Poverty is also widespread, as a significant portion of the country’s human population continues to live below the poverty line. Nigeria’s political leaders are today, also strained by contemporary socio-economic and geopolitical problems.

    INTERPLAY BETWEEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

    The interplay between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria is profound and deeply influential, presenting a mix of opportunities and challenges over the years. Depending on the nature of leadership, sometimes military and sometimes civilian, centralized versus decentralized, this interplay between political leadership and economic development in Nigeria has been marked by significant shifts. Persistent issues such as corruption and political instability remain significant barriers. The path to sustainable economic development in Nigeria depends largely on the emergence of transparent, accountable, and effective political leadership. Economic policies and outcomes are directly impacted by political leadership. For example, Nigeria witnessed significant regional disparities due to political and ethnic tensions, during Nigeria First Republic (1960-1966), which greatly influenced developmental policies and economic development decisions (Falola & Heaton, 2008). From the late 1960s to late 1990s, the Nigeria witnessed long periods of military regimes, with centralized control over decision-making and economic resources. Nigeria returned to civil rule in 1999, signaling a significant turning point for the nation’s political and economic landscape. The Federal Government then, led by President Olusegun Obasanjo, from 1999- 2007, initiated significant economic policies, including banking sector reforms, privatization and the war against corruption to promote Nigeria’s growth and economic stability (Utomi, 2013). Despite these encouraging efforts, corruption, insurgency, political instability, and inadequate infrastructure have continued to impede substantial economic progress. Resources that could be applied for economic development have been drained by political corruption, due to large-scale mismanagement and embezzlement of funds by political leaders (Ekanade, 2014), significantly hampering Nigeria’s economic development. The establishment of institutions such as the ICPC and the EFCC demonstrates leadership commitment to combating corruption. However, the effectiveness of these institutions has depended largely, on the leadership’s commitment and political climate (Agbiboa, 2012). Political leadership seeks to recast the economy, the rules of the institution of property and production, and the distributional benefits from economic growth and stability; it seeks to redistribute property and production, enunciates and enforces written and principled rules of commercial behavior so that technology, skills, knowledge, and other means of production are deployed efficiently at the levels of the corporate sector, while acceptable distributional privileges are punctuated; and it seeks to protect and defend property rights, and to regulate the conduct and behavior of economic agents within the terms of written and enforced rules. The governance structure can either facilitate or obstruct the realization of the aim and objectives of political leadership.

    CONCLUSION

    Political leadership is fundamental in the process of governance, towards the achievement of desirable objectives, including economic development, social integration, public well-being, and such other related goals. However, political leaders could impact the economy in diverse ways, such as their political orientation and ideology. Furthermore, political leadership is expected to engineer the economy towards greater performance through various operative mechanisms like policy formulation, decision-making, implementation, and the evaluation of policies. It is these functions that allow political leaders to use public resources to create value for the improvement of the living standards of a country, while at the same time working to broaden social welfare, for instance, by increasing employment. Although political leadership’s corresponding influence on economic development can have significant consequences, either through its impact on policy change driven by its transfer of power from one set of political actors to another, or by altering expectations and beliefs, political regimes can shape patterns of economic development and distributions. Such leaders can act as a model, man of action, great communicator, or transformational leader, while others have been seen as people of vision pursuit focusing on creativity and risk persuasiveness inspiring trust to make things happen, society builder, nation-builder(s), nation transformer, and many more. Good political leadership creates an environment that promotes economic development. Intriguingly, corruption at all levels of governance, poor accountability and transparency have been identified as the bane of the underdevelopment of many African nations including Nigeria. To find solutions to these problems, this work has investigated the influence of political leadership on economic development in Nigeria. The paper is anchored on the legitimacy theory which emphasizes the importance of public confidence and trust in government-to-government effectiveness. The study adopted the quasi-experimental research design with the secondary source of data as the only source of data collection. Data analyzed were obtained from secondary sources using content analysis. The research found out that political leadership influences economic development in Nigeria ranging from ineffective utilization of resources, embezzlement of public funds, bad governance, poor service, and inadequate level of socialization, and encouragement of corrupt practices among public officials. This paper suggests that more attention should be paid to the challenges at the institutional structure and the political system in Nigeria. These challenges call for significant measures aimed at promoting good political leadership in Nigeria. For Nigeria to attain her worthy goals as a competitive and prospering nation, Nigerians must commit to re-establishing value for the common good, a good society, community, dialogue, tolerance, fraternity, and self-identity, fostering a mutual sense of belonging in full participation and well-being. Furthermore, initiating agile services reflecting due transparency and encouraging responsibility among all its leaders at all levels, in good faith and uprightness, and manifesting self-pride. To this end, the paper advocates for the urgent need for enhancing moral leadership and promoting genuine politics in terms of the inviolability of life, perennial morals, and the preservation of the human environment, and democracy for social and civil rights.

    IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

    When political leaders are unjust, oppressive and manipulative, it becomes difficult to share the goals of the elite, and consequently stifle efforts toward growth and development. However, and usefully, vision, political will, attributes of democratic inclusiveness and transformational qualities make great leaders capable of leading development and country mobilization into prosperity, democracy and development. A sense of national interest as the cardinal point of leadership informs the communal spirit of visionary political leadership in building and remolding the structure of a nation state. In conclusion, all historical trajectories to high growth in emerging economies were marked by focused attention to structural change by political leadership. In this sense, an inclusive approach and response from the political leadership in Nigeria places some optimism in the quest for long-term growth and economic progress. Leadership at the level of nation-states had a greater impact on growth and development than at any higher level. A developing country’s own leadership had the major responsibility to initiate, guide and pace its growth process. History and successful models of change provide a message of hope, that with the right policies, attributes and dispositions of its leaders, good countries can become better. However, at other times political leaders thwart the development of their nations through corrupt practices and greed that undermines development objectives.

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    First publication: International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (ISSN 2454-6186), vol. VIII, issue VII, July 2024, p. 1274-1282, https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.807106 Received: 17 June 2024; Revised: 30 June 2024; Accepted: 04 July 2024; Published: 07 August 2024.

    Illustrative Photo by Christina Morillo: https://www.pexels.com/photo/black-and-gray-laptop-computer-turned-on-doing-computer-codes-1181271/