KingNewsWire. Belgium’s fight against alcohol and drugs abuse, has been highlighted by an article at the Freedom Magazine, the Voice of the Church of Scientology. The Foundation for a Drug-Free World, supported by Scientology, leads educational initiatives to expose substance abuse dangers. Central to that story is Julie Delvaux’s inspiring journey from someone surrounding the milieu to a compelling advocate, propelled by L. Ron Hubbard’s insights on drug threats.
Brussels, Belgium, 22nd Aug 2024 – Freedom Magazine, has just published a compelling article about the pervasive grip of alcohol and drug abuse on Belgium, which is likened to the mythical monster Bullebak(1), an analogy that intentioned to underscore the country’s struggle with substance dependency.
This journalistic piece highlights the extensive impact of these issues on Belgian society, introducing the inspiring and transformative actions led by the Foundation for a Drug-Free World and its volunteers to combat them.
An important but small country, Belgium has a population of 11.7 million, and yet faces a significant challenge with 1.1 million individuals consuming alcohol daily, and a staggering number grappling with alcohol abuse. This is a situation that grows bigger and bigger as substance use bridges to illicit drugs, contributing to over 60,000 drug-related crimes annually. In such an environment of widespread addiction, “I really saw how bad the drug problem was in my country and how ‘normal’ drugs are,” said Julie Delvaux, the protagonist of today’s story.
The original article draws attention to how Julie Delvaux, a Belgian young woman who, after a personal encounter with drugs being used among her friends, became a pivotal figure in the fight against this societal menace. Her journey to activism illuminates a path of awareness and education as vital tools in curbing drug abuse and even getting out of such a world before it is too late.
Julie’s activism with the activities and materials proposed and produced by the Foundation for a Drug-Free World marked a turning point in her life. Emphasizing education without judgment, the Truth About Drugs booklets provide factual insights about the effects of drugs, empowering individuals to make informed choices. Julie, alongside her peers, leverages Belgium’s cultural affinity for biking, music, and magic to disseminate these educational materials across the nation, reaching numerous cities through engaging events that merge entertainment with advocacy.
A significant highlight of their campaign was the strategic focus on Antwerp, Europe’s drug trafficking nexus. Here, Julie’s efforts were bolstered by collaboration with the Church of Scientology, amplifying her initiative’s impact through open houses and public events.
Throughout the campaign, the teachings of Scientology founder L. Ron Hubbard resonate, particularly his assertion:
“The planet has hit a barrier which prevents any widespread social progress—drugs and other biochemical substances. These can put people into a condition which not only prohibits and destroys physical health, but which can prevent any stable advancement in mental or spiritual well-being“.
L. Ron Hubbard
This quote encapsulates the profound societal implications of drug abuse, echoing the urgency and necessity of initiatives like Julie’s.
According to the report by Freedom and her very own episode at “Voices for Humanity” of the Scientology Network, Julie and her team’s unwavering commitment has touched 14% of the population in Belgium, sparking awareness and fuelling a movement to promote a drug-free lifestyle among young people. Her journey symbolizes a beacon of optimism, highlighting the impact achievable through community-driven initiatives.
The piece from Freedom Magazine goes beyond recounting Belgium’s challenges; it celebrates the power of education and grassroots efforts in addressing societal issues. Julie Delvaux’s narrative advocates for a shift towards prevention and transparency in combating substance abuse, offering hope for a future free from drugs, in Belgium.
The Bullebak is a mythical monster from Dutch folklore. It is often described as a terrifying creature used by parents to frighten children into good behavior, much like the boogeyman in other cultures. The specific appearance and characteristics of the Bullebak can vary, as it is more of a legendary creature than one with a standardized description. The term is generally used to refer to a menacing or fearsome being that lurks in the shadows, ready to pounce on misbehaving children.
August 19 marked World Humanitarian Day, which is an opportunity to celebrate the indispensable and tireless life-saving efforts of aid workers worldwide. When crises erupt and conflicts arise, humanitarians are among the first ones on thespot delivering emergency assistance to those affected. Recent world crises like Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine and the conflict in the Middle East have sadly shown that all too often it is aid workers who pay the highest price for their efforts. 2023 was the deadliest year on record for aid workers, and 2024 is likely to follow the same tragic trend.
Aid workers deployed
Many aid workers are deployed under the EU’s commitment to providehumanitarian assistance to people hit by human-induced disasters and natural hazards around the globe. It has been delivering on this humanitarian aid commitment for over 30 years, in over 110 countries, reaching millions of people across the globe each year. Indeed, the EU – EU countries and institutions collectively – is among the leading donors of humanitarian aid in the world, with an initial humanitarian budget for 2024 of €1.8 billion.
EU humanitarian aid covers intervention areas such as food and nutrition, shelter, healthcare, water and sanitation, and education in emergencies. It is channelled impartially to affected populations, regardless of their race, ethnic group, religion, gender, age, nationality or political affiliation and focuses on the most vulnerable. A network of EU humanitarian experts in over 40 countries worldwide enables close monitoring of crisis situations and relief operations.
Recent major EU humanitarian aid initiatives include:
Launching EU Humanitarian Aid Bridge flights to channel aid to the most difficult to reach areas. These Air Bridge flights have proven a lifeline to channel aid to Ethiopia during the Tigray crisis, to the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as to delivering assistance to the people of Gaza more recently.
Developing global stockpiles of aid – the European Humanitarian Response Capacity – hosted in Latin America, the Middle East, Asia, and Europe to be able to send aid faster to crises zones, such as in the aftermath of the earthquake in Türkiye and Syria in 2023.
Moreover, through the biggest ever operation under the Civil Protection Mechanism, the EU has provided Ukraine with 149 000 tonnes of humanitarian aid and coordinated the evacuation of over 3 500 Ukrainian patients to hospitals across Europe.
To help protect local aid workers around the globe, the EU has established the Protect Aid Workers initiative that assists those who have fallen victim to attacks or other security incidents while on duty with legal aid and rapid financial grants. The first of its kind, the mechanism has distributed 25 grants to humanitarian workers in need of support, worth over €240,000, since February 2024. Through the initiative, the EU aims to create a safety net for local aid workers who often have limited resources and cannot rely on the protection of large international organisations.
On 28 November 2023, just after 6 a.m., a SWAT team of around 175 policemen wearing black masks, helmets, and bullet proof vests, simultaneously descended on eight separate houses and apartments in and around Paris but also in Nice, brandishing semi-automatic rifles.
These searched places which were located in various pleasant and attractive environments for vacation were used by practitioners of yoga connected with MISA yoga schools in Romania for informal spiritual and meditation retreats. They included IT experts, engineers, designers, artists, medical doctors, psychologists, teachers, university and high school students, and so on.
On that fateful morning, most of them were still in bed and were awakened by the crash of doors being violently broken down, very loud noises and shouting.
The first objective of the operation was to arrest, interrogate, detain and indict people supposed to be involved in “trafficking in human beings”, “forcible confinement”, money laundering and “abuse of vulnerability” in organized gang.
The second goal was to rescue “their victims” and to obtain their declarations as elements of evidence but no woman interrogated in the framework of the SWAT operation on 28 November 2023 has ever filed any complaint against anybody.
The report of Human Rights Without Frontiers (HRWF) that follows is based on testimonies of over 20 Romanian yoga practitioners who happened to travel on their own accord and by their own means to various places used for yoga and meditation retreats in France where they were suddenly targeted by simultaneous police raids. They were put in police custody (garde à vue) for hearings and interrogations and released after two days and two nights or more without further ado.
The search warrant at the origin of the abuse of the police
Such a nationwide operation was launched on the basis of a search warrant reporting extremely serious suspicions: human trafficking from Romania, kidnapping, sexual and financial exploitation of these victims, abuse of vulnerability and money laundering. All this in an organized gang.
This was the backdrop to this police operation experienced by dozens of Romanian nationals.
Most of them did not speak the language of the country but had chosen to combine the pleasant with the useful in France: to practice yoga and meditation in villas or apartments kindly and freely put at their disposal by their owners or tenants who were mainly yoga practitioners of Romanian origin and to enjoy picturesque natural or other environments.
The allegations of the search warrant were perceived by all the actors involved in its execution as an authentic criminal case founded on a preliminary investigation. In their eyes, all that remained to be done was to document and close this case, after gathering evidence to be discovered on site, while at this stage the file was still empty. This prejudice, well established in people’s minds, would bias all procedures at all levels and disregard the presumption of innocence.
Intrusion by police forces with break-in
The massive special police intervention forces expected to find criminals and victims, poor young Romanian women exploited as prostitutes and their so-called protectors.
It was in this state of mind that the heavily armed intervention brigades acted like lightning, by surprise and with destructive violence in the places to be searched as if they were to expect strong resistance, even armed, of gangsters. There was no resistance from the people staying there. The owners or co-owners or official tenants of the premises were not present at the time of the raid, except Sorin Turc, a violinist who played with the Monaco orchestra.
The police forces violently broke down the entrance doors and the various bedroom doors while the people present were proposing them to use their keys. They searched everything, made a mess everywhere, confiscated their personal computers, their cell phones and even their cash.
The Romanian yoga practitioners, mostly women, were wondering what was happening, who these aggressors were and what they wanted. The explanations from the police were very brief and were not necessarily understood.
One person had 1200 EUR confiscated. A couple driving from Romania were left without cash after police took all of their holiday money – EUR 4,500. No receipts were given to the dispossessed people that HRWF interviewed.
A Romanian woman who knew some French testified to HRWF that she had heard agents say after taking around EUR 10,000 in cash from several people that they had “enough”. A connection may perhaps be made with statements made in the press by some investigating authorities saying they “discovered” large sums of cash in several homes that were searched. No doubt it was then to give the impression that the accusation of money laundering was credible in this affair of national proportions.
During the searches in the targeted villas and apartments, the guests had to remain in night clothes or were often not given the privacy required to change. Others were gathered outside in the cold morning wearing only scanty clothing.
In face of the disorder and the damage caused by the search and the psychological violence of the police, the reaction of the retreating residents was stupor, psychological shock, fear and even terror, lasting and indelible trauma for some.
The first task of the police force was to identify and “release victims”. Their second task was to collect their testimonies in order to arrest their exploiters.
Amazement of the law enforcement: the sites targeted by the raids were not clandestine and financially exploited places of prostitution. No one among the yoga practitioners, neither woman nor man, declared themselves to be victims of anything or by anyone. However, it mattered little to the police at this stage of the operation. The next phase would take place in the police stations after handcuffing the people to be transferred by bus.
The fabrication of victims against their will at all costs
Indeed, a controversial theory in human trafficking cases is that such “victims” refuse to be considered as such because of their psychological vulnerability and their habituation to their state of subjection. Some even talk about brainwashing and Stockholm syndrome. Hence this need to “convince” them, including through psychological pressure, that they were victims even if they do not always realize it. This psychological-judicial drift which leads to the fabrication of false victims is spreading more and more in democratic states of Europe and America.
In Argentina, a very similar case, even in its details, to that in France ultimately resulted in the innocence of a yoga group, its octogenarian founder and its leaders. They had been accused, arrested and imprisoned for months for alleged human trafficking, abuse of weakness, sexual exploitation and money laundering.
The manufacturing of victims against their will which was inspired by a certain controversial branch of feminism, the abolitionists, was at the origin of that drift. These activists who campaign for a total ban on the commodification of sexual services consider that all prostitutes are de facto victims, even if they are free-lance and declare it is their choice. In Argentina, lawyers, psychologists and magistrates have begun to successfully fight against this very worrying phenomenon of victim fabrication which is spreading in other contexts than prostitution.
Biased interrogations in police stations in inhumane detention conditions
Considering that the allegations mentioned in the search warrant would lead to a trial, the presumption of innocence was never present in the minds of the police officers in the police stations. Their only goal was to extract incriminating testimonies concerning other people. To this end, they did not hesitate to take advantage of the situation of distress and vulnerability of the alleged victims from whom they wanted to extract incriminating declarations against other people and they threatened them to extend their police custody beyond the legal 48 hours, which actually happened in several cases.
The interviewees clearly told HRWF that they were put under pressure to say things that were not true so that their statements could match the contents of the warrant and make it possible to prosecute other people.
Furthermore, their conditions of detention were truly inhumane and humiliating. They practically had to beg the officers to be able to go to the toilet, even in urgent cases, and it was at their discretion. They also had to beg for a small glass of water and only got some food on the second day of their detention. Not enough mattresses and blankets in collective cells. Lack of hygiene. No heating in November. This was the treatment reserved for people transferred with handcuffs to police stations although there was no allegation of illegal activities against them and they only had to testify.
Failing assistance from lawyers and interpreters
In many cases, the Romanian yoga practitioners were unable to count on the assistance of a lawyer during their interrogation. The reason given was that there had been too many arrests and not enough lawyers available. When they received the requested legal assistance, they wrongly believed, due to not having been correctly informed, that it was to defend them but in fact their mission was only to monitor the legality of their interrogation.
Often, they had the clear impression that their counsels were more on the side of the police when they told them they were involved in a very serious criminal case, that their recourse to the right to silence would be interpreted negatively and could lead to prolonged custody or more.
The issue concerning the interpreters constitutes another weak point of the procedure. Many interviewees highlighted their incompetence and inability in accurately translating their responses to questions. The interpreters were also perceived as believing they were dealing with victims or criminals and as aligning themselves with the attitude of the police.
In addition, a number of yoga practitioners were not asked to check and sign the minutes of their interrogation; others were required to sign them although they were not translated to them or were just roughly and poorly translated verbally in Romanian. None of HRWF’s interviewees received a copy of the document.
However, this phase of the procedure is of crucial importance. If the minutes and their translation contain errors that cannot be rectified, this can have dramatic implications in trials and lead to serious injustices.
In some cases, a few people with sufficient knowledge of the French language have had biased reports corrected but what about all the others?
Upon their release from police custody, the interrogated persons were thrown onto the street, often in the evening, without telephone and without money even though they naively expected an apology…
Conclusions
In short, this is the situation experienced by dozens of ordinary Romanian nationals who were neither actors nor victims of human trafficking or kidnapping, who had not been involved in money laundering or criminal organization.
On the other hand, they were the real “collateral” victims of excessive and disproportionate police action organized by the French judicial authorities. They had the misfortune of being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
These Romanian victims remain traumatized by this experience and prefer to delete it from their memory. HRWF thanks those who despite everything had the courage to bring up these painful memories for the purposes of its investigation.
Back home, these people who were arrested in France and summoned in handcuffs to be questioned in police stations were no longer contacted by the French authorities. They believe that French justice will never spontaneously return the money and equipment that was stolen from them. They should be entitled to file a complaint as victims of French justice in order to recover their property but they prefer to forget this traumatic experience and turn the page.
This HRWF investigation highlights serious procedural flaws, illegal fabrication of victims for the purposes of prosecuting others, biased interrogation methods, inhumane treatment and serious dysfunctions of the judiciary and police in France in the context of police custody of citizens from other EU member states and beyond.
On August 8, 2014, Judge Sergey Lytkin of the Kurgan City Court convicted Anatoliy Isakov, 59, for so-called extremism simply for holding peaceful private Christian worship services.
The prosecutor requested for Anatoly Isakov 6.5 years probation with a probationary period of 3.5 years and deprivation of the right to engage in activities related to the dissemination of religion, religious education, holding religious services, religious ceremonies for a period of 9 years.
Anatoliy is Group II disabled and battling cancer, which requires monthly chemotherapy. The judge imposed a fine of 500,000 rubles yet reduced i/ to 400,000 ($4,500 US), given Anatoliy’s stay in pretrial detention and house arrest. The court also ordered Anatoliy to pay procedural costs in the amount of 6,900 rubles ($78 US).
Additionally, Anatoliy has been added to the list of Rosfinmonitoring, blocking his bank account and making it difficult to receive his disability pension.
“Anatoliy is one of hundreds of disabled and elderly Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia who have been unjustly subjected to criminal prosecution and/or inhumane treatment in detention since 2017, when the Federation’s Supreme Court banned the activities of Jehovah’s Witnesses,” states Jarrod Lopes, a spokesperson at the world headquarters of Jehovah’s Witnesses.
Europe’s highest human rights court ruled that the ban of Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia was unwarranted and illegal. Yet, Russia continues to shamelessly conduct mass home raids on harmless readers of the Bible, as well as dole out lengthy prison sentences that upend the lives of peaceful men and women.
Case history
· July 14, 2021. FSB officers searched Anatoliy’s apartment as well as his daughter’s. During the search, Anatoliy’s wife, Tatyana, was pressured by the FSB: “Tell us about everything,” threatening they would have her and her daughter fired from their jobs.
· July 15, 2021. Anatoliy was court-ordered to pretrial detention, preventing him from getting chemotherapy. He was also unable to get the needed painkillers prescribed following spinal surgery
· July 21, 2021. Anatoliy’s lawyer filed an appeal with the Department of Health of the Kurgan Region against the pretrial detention. In the complaint, the lawyer noted: “Such conditions cause systematic and daily pain, comparable to torture, since the pain intensifies and becomes unbearable at times. The threat to life and health is real”
· August 8, 2021. Lawyer filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), regarding the detention
· August 10, 2021. The ECHR sent a request to the Prosecutor General’s Office of the Russian Federation. Lawyers also appeal to the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Kurgan Region, after which the Commissioner initiates an urgent inspection
· August 28, 2021. Anatoliy is released, along with another disabled Jehovah’s Witness, Aleksandr Lubin, whose trial is ongoing (link). After release, an electronic bracelet was placed on Anatoliy’s leg, and every week he had to report to the Penitentiary Inspectorate
· June 7, 2023 Criminal trial begins
For 1.5 months in pretrial detention, Anatoliy received about 500 letters of support from all over the world.
Another six Jehovah’s Witnesses from the Kurgan region are being prosecuted on similar charges.
For more information regarding this case, see this link.
Some statistics about the persecution of Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia and Crimea
· 2,116 homes of Jehovah’s Witnesses raided since 2017 ban
· 821 men and women criminally charged for their belief in God. Of these:
o 434 have spent some time behind bars since 2017. Of these:
§ As of today, 141 men and women remain in prison
· 506 men and women have been added to Russia’s federal list of extremists/terrorists
Ukrainian businesses report unfounded repressions during Russia’s war on Ukraine
August 2024
In July 2024, owners and top managers of Ukrainian enterprises gathered again at a roundtable in Kyiv to declare that not a single high-profile case of corruption pressure on business, monitored by the public movement “Manifesto 42,” has been transferred to court with an indictment.
Officials continue to use criminal proceedings to extort bribes and property
“Manifesto 42” is a non-governmental public movement of Ukrainian businessmen created in June 2023 to protect their enterprises against the arbitrariness of officials, judges, and special services. The name refers to Article 42 of the Constitution of Ukraine about the right to entrepreneurial activity.
Manifesto 42
The consolidated protest of prominent representatives of Ukrainian business emerged in the spring of 2023 in response to the actions of certain government representatives.
In November 2022, several large enterprises were forcibly taken from their owners, including shareholders without dominant influence (minority shareholders).
The most significant and valuable companies among them are “Ukrnafta” and “Ukrtatnafta.” However, smaller companies and medium-sized businesses are also under pressure.
Ukrnafta is the main oil and gas producing company in Ukraine, producing 86% of oil, 28% of gas condensate and 16% of gas (from fossil hydrocarbons).
At the same time, the manufacturer of rubber products and tactical first aid kits for the army, Kievguma, which cannot be considered a leader in terms of business size, also encountered problems with law enforcement agencies.
The Security Service of Ukraine (SSU) conducted a series of searches in the company’s offices, arrested management leaders and publicly accused the company of supplying first aid kits to the enemy – Russia.
This is a typical charge when attempting to take over a business, as it appeals to public opinion. The general director of Kievguma, Andrii Ostrogrud, who joined the Manifesto 42 movement, answered that competitors offered him to divide the market in order to avoid healthy competition and when he refused, with the help of law enforcement officers, they began to destroy the reputation of his company.
In 2022-2023, Dmytro Firtash, a gas business owner residing in Austria since 2014, whose extradition Washington has been seeking for many years, was deprived of his assets in Ukraine.
His gas distribution companies were nationalised: corporate rights were confiscated at the request of the State Bureau of Investigation (SBI), and the enterprises themselves were transferred to the management of the state Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA).
The High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine (HACC), considered the most impartial institution and recently created to handle corruption cases, lifted the arrest on the company’s shares.
However, Firtash did not regain his property. His assets were transferred under the control of the state company “Naftogaz.”
Dmytro Firtash
Since the beginning of 2023, troubling processes for businesses have continued and expanded
News about searches and criminal cases against well-known businessmen have become frequent, with many left bewildered by the claims made against them.
Oleksandr Kosovan, the founder of the IT company MacPaw, whose programs are installed on one out of every five Mac computers, invested over 25 million euros in a recreation centre for his company’s employees and faced searches due to unauthorised shoreline expansion on the plot where the wellness complex is being built.
The Bureau of Economic Security (BES), an agency created as a result of reforms to replace the tax police, initiated a case against the company “M-Kino,” which owns the “Multiplex” cinema chain, for tax evasion.
A sudden raid by the SSU and National Police on the office of the developer ImproveIT Solutions almost disrupted the company’s project for an important U.S. client. Investigators came under the pretext of a case involving the “creation and distribution of pornography,” seizing five laptops. Six days later, the equipment was returned without any explanation.
These are just a few examples of the large number of incidents that occurred with Ukrainian business at the end of 2022 – beginning of 2023. The two most high-profile events in the spring of 2023 concerned the activation of very old criminal cases to achieve dubious goals.
In April last year, the Pechersk Court of Kyiv seized the corporate rights of the gas production company “Ukrnaftoburinnya” as material evidence in a case that was initiated almost 10 years ago. Five days later, these rights were transferred to the management of ARMA, effectively taking the company away from its owners and forcibly nationalising it.
Another criminal case, also initiated 10 years ago around land privatisation, led to searches at the home of Igor Mazepa, the founder of the investment company Concorde Capital, who is popular among business circles and journalists. Mazepa called on the business community to organise self-protection against the arbitrariness of officials and judges. He was supported by other entrepreneurs, leading to the creation of “Manifesto 42.”
Ihor Mazepa in Pechersk Court of Kyiv
Mazepa’s initiative and that of his like-minded supporters led to a public discussion of the situation. Articles appeared in the press, where journalists sought answers to why the number of business complaints about repression had increased several times.
One of the most in-depth investigations was published in May 2023 in the Ukrainian Forbes under the eloquent title “Taxes, the ubiquitous Tatarov, the Russian trace. Businessmen complain that security forces are increasing pressure. There are at least five reasons for this and only one piece of advice.”
The article is the first to formulate an explanation and to name an official who is considered the “general producer” of pressure on business.
“Four interlocutors from the financial, economic and anti-corruption committees of the Verkhovna Rada, as well as the OP (Office of the President), believe that the pressure on business is directly or indirectly related to the fact that almost all law enforcement agencies came under the influence of the President’s Office, namely the deputy head of the OP, Oleh Tatarov.
Oleh Tatarov, Deputy Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine
“Since the times of the Revolution of Dignity, there has been no instance where all law enforcement agencies were under the control of one person,” says one interlocutor in the Verkhovna Rada, asking not to be named in this article.
“It is difficult to oppose such a person.”
Another interlocutor notes that this situation has led to the destruction of the system of checks and balances, saying that “Previously, there was competition between law enforcement agencies, and they were afraid of each other.”
“A businessman could complain about the SSU to the police. Now there’s no one to complain to – they’re all in the same harness.”
The publication garnered huge resonance and led to a meeting between business representatives and the President in June 2023
The business community hoped for the dismissal of Tatarov or at least his removal from positions of influence.
However, instead, in July 2023, Tatarov began participating in a coordination platform for resolving problematic issues between business and law enforcement agencies, signalling the retention of his dominant role.
On January 19, 2024, the initiator of the “Manifesto 42” movement, Mazepa, was arrested without a court decision on his way to the Davos Forum.
The arrest was carried out by employees of the State Bureau of Investigation (SBI) and the National Police – law enforcement agencies over which Tatarov has significant influence.
Why are Ukrainian businesses afraid of Tatarov?
Deputy head of the Office of the President (OP) Oleh Tatarov is disliked by business, anti-corruption activists and the press, since he personifies the corrupt pro-Russian government that Ukrainians got rid of during the Revolution of Dignity in 2014.
The democratic uprising in Ukraine was an anti-Russian, pro-European action triggered by the refusal of the authorities, led by the leader of the Party of Regions, President Viktor Yanukovych, to sign an Association Agreement with the EU. Russia was against this agreement.
At the end of November 2013, the police beat protesting students. This sparked a nationwide uprising, resulting in Yanukovych fleeing to Russia and the election victory of pro-European politicians in Ukraine.
From 2011 to 2014, Tatarov was the deputy head of the investigative department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and publicly justified the actions of the authorities and police. Later, as a lawyer, he defended police officers involved in the shootings of demonstrators.
Tatarov (left) and the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs during the Yanukovych era, Vitaliy Zakharchenko (center) in December 2013
He established his network of agents even before actor Volodymyr Zelensky won the presidential elections in 2019. Journalists found information about 59 people who defended their scientific dissertations with Tatarov’s participation between 2014 and 2020, when he was not yet working for the government. Among them were judges, police officers, and prosecutors considered loyal to him.
Tatarov’s personality was a discordant element with the programmatic theses of the new president, who shortly after his election signed a law on business protection, promised to bring Ukraine into the TOP-10 of the World Bank’s ease of doing business ranking within 3-4 years, and declared that “the State is a service agency creating conditions for business.”
Presumably, in 2020, the young, inexperienced, and romantically inclined government team needed a communicator with the old part of the official law enforcement and judicial system from which they could not quickly get rid of. The choice fell on Tatarov. Subsequently he used the transformation of power caused by Russia’s invasion to strengthen his positions.
Recently, Reuters published a major article on how, after his election, Zelensky tried to introduce the most liberal order in Ukraine, and now he is a president under the constraints of democracy caused by martial law.
Most of Forbes’ interlocutors, close to the Presidential Office and the economic wing of the government, confirm that Zelensky, deeply engaged in diplomacy and the situation on the front line, has no time and energy for the economy and business problems.
Tatarov demonstrated his growing influence two months after the war began
In April 2022, the criminal case initiated against him in 2020 by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), an independent body created after the Revolution of Dignity, was closed.
NABU only managed to arrest Artem Shylo, who until recently headed the SSU department for investigating cases against businesses. Anti-corruption activists call him Tatarov’s main trusted person and the curator of ARMA, where nationalised assets are transferred for management.
It is also worth mentioning the conflict between Tatarov and NABU. The successful work of this anti-corruption body is one of the most important requirements of Ukraine’s Western partners. However, as Tatarov has stated, “NABU is not a Ukrainian story.”
Oleksii Sukhachov, Director of the State Bureau of Investigation (SBI)
Tatarov’s orbit includes the head of the SBI (State Bureau of Investigation of Ukraine), Oleksiy Sukhachov. Their connection is so close and specific that it extends beyond official matters – Sukhachov, along with Tatarov and four other members of the selection committee for the head of the SBI, even co-authored and reviewed books.
It is possible that Tatarov also had a hand in the career of the current head of the SSU, Vasyl Maliuk. After Maliuk was dismissed from his position as the first deputy head of the SBU and head of the anti-corruption department in 2021, Tatarov facilitated his appointment as deputy minister of internal affairs.
Another ally of Tatarov is Rostyslav Shurma, the deputy head of the OP overseeing the economic bloc. These two are the only former members of Yanukovych’s notorious Party of Regions among all the employees of the Presidential Office.
The relationship between Tatarov and Shurma was recently solidified by a court decision. In March 2024, Judge Svitlana Shaputko of the Pechersk Court, who defended her dissertation with Tatarov’s help in 2018, dismissed the case against Shurma for violating conflict of interest prevention requirements, as accused by the National Agency on Corruption Prevention.
They appeared together at the business meeting in July 2023, crushing the hopes of “Manifesto 42” participants to convey the need for personnel changes to the President.
Their relationship is potentially very dangerous for business.
Tatarov has the leverage to organise the illegal seizure of private property through the courts and apply pressure from the security services. Shurma coordinates the appointment of state-controlled managers to positions managing confiscated assets.
Shurma’s desire to see his protégé lead the largest oil production and refining holding, consisting of “Ukrnafta” and “Ukrtatnafta,” may have led to the dramatic consequences for shareholders unjustifiably deprived of property rights and, more importantly, to damage to the state’s interests.
Click on the diagram below to have the full picture in a big window
Tatarov’s network
The story of “Ukrnafta” and “Ukrnaftoburinnya” has become a symbol of lawlessness
During the Davos Forum-2023, Shurma provided an explanation for why the authorities seized shares from private owners of “Ukrnafta,” including non-residents, in November 2022.
According to him, it was due to the company’s management refusing to supply petroleum products to the Ukrainian army.
At the same time, the former chairman of the board of “Ukrnafta,” Oleh Hez, called this information unreliable.
“Ukrnafta” is an oil production company; it does not produce petroleum products but only sells the extracted oil.
“Ukrnafta” has never had obligations to supply fuel for the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Despite the lack of obligations, since the Russian invasion, the then-management of “Ukrnafta” systematically provided assistance to military units and territorial defence units, refuelling military equipment at “Ukrnafta” gas stations for free.
The former head of the supervisory board of “Ukrnafta,” Mykola Havrylenko, was frankly surprised by this interpretation.
“All I can say is that I am unaware of any unmet obligations for the supply of petroleum products by ‘Ukrnafta.’ If such issues ever arose, they would have been brought up in meetings, and if not – I have no other information. What volumes are being discussed, and at what times… This is news to me,” he commented on the issue for the media.
The term “nationalisation” used by Shurma in the context of “Ukrnafta” sounds incorrect, as until November 2022, the controlling stake (51%) was already owned by the Ukrainian state through NJSC “Naftogaz of Ukraine.”
Nothing prevented the state, as the main shareholder, from changing the company’s management or deciding to direct all revenues to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
Instead, under the slogans of the need to “punish” “Ukrnafta” for not supplying fuel to the army, the Law of Ukraine “On the Transfer, Forced Alienation, or Exclusion of Property under the Legal Regime of Martial or State of Emergency” was used, to allow the confiscation of property from citizens and enterprises during wartime until its end.
Subsequently, the assets must be returned to the owners, or if this is impossible, their market value must be compensated.
According to the provisions of this law, only property necessary for military needs can be confiscated. However, in this case, it was not petroleum products (which, as we recall, “Ukrnafta” did not produce) that were confiscated, but 49% of the shares of “Ukrnafta” minority shareholders, signed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
The seizure of private foreign investors’ shares allegedly for military needs appears strange. At the same time, a new director, Serhiy Koretsky, was appointed, fully controlled and accountable to the Deputy Head of the Presidential Office, Shurma.
There were no complaints about the performance of the management of “Ukrnafta,” which was unjustifiably dismissed in November 2022. Former Deputy Minister of Finance of Ukraine, Olena Makieieva, stated in an interview, “The Supervisory Board exercised appropriate oversight of the board’s activities, the audit committee(under the Supervisory Board of ‘Ukrnafta’ – ed.)had no complaints about the work of the head of the company and board members.”
One of the authors of the Ukrainian corporate law reform aimed at converging with the best European practices, Serhiy Boytsun, declared in March 2023 that the new Supervisory Board of “Ukrnafta” was illegitimate since it was formed in violation of the law on joint-stock companies.
Foto- Ukrnafta’s Head Office
This also applies to the company’s appointed head, Koretsky, as he was appointed by an illegitimate Supervisory Board.
Boytsun’s remark about the quality of corporate governance in “Ukrnafta” after the so-called “nationalisation” is noteworthy: “There can be no talk of corporate governance standards since the Supervisory Board consists solely of representatives of the shareholder (Ministry of Defence) and acts solely as silent signatories.”
Quality corporate governance in strategically important companies is a mechanism that should balance interests in a civilised manner.
It is obvious that after November 2022, such a statement is impossible regarding “Ukrnafta.”
“You don’t need to be an insider to understand that there is now manual control,” Boytsun asserted. From the perspective of corporate law, in his opinion, the decision to seize “Ukrnafta” shares from minority shareholders is deeply flawed.
Under full state control, “Ukrnafta” became the subject of corruption and management scandals. Instead of providing free fuel to the Armed Forces of Ukraine (the basis for applying the “military law”), the new company management sued its curator, the Ministry of Defense, to expedite the receipt of more money.
In violation of Cabinet of Ministers Resolution No. 178 of 02.03.2022, according to which operations for the supply of petroleum products to the army, National Guard, and other security structures during the war are subject to a zero VAT rate, “Ukrnafta” included a 7% VAT rate in the contract, and then, after its change, 20%.
Through this manipulation, it received an additional 350 million UAH (7.8 million euros).
To force the Ministry of Defense to pay even more money, the company went to court. This outraged a member of the Ukrainian parliament, the first deputy head of the parliamentary energy committee, Oleksiy Kucherenko, who sent a parliamentary inquiry to the Prosecutor General of Ukraine.
The situation is even worse at the oil and gas company “Ukrnaftoburinnya” (UNB). This was the second-largest gas producer in Ukraine among private companies. Now it has stopped operating altogether, even though Ukraine urgently needs its own energy resources and budget revenues from taxes during the war.
In the spring of 2023, the company was taken away from private owners for no apparent reason and transferred under the control of Koretsky. The reason for the confiscation was a criminal case related to a licence to develop the Sakhalin field in the Kharkov region, where Russian troops are trying to break through.
Over the course of a few days in April 2023, the Pechersky Court of Kyiv issued three court decisions. The company’s shares, seized as evidence in a criminal case, were transferred to ARMA, which, in turn, transferred them to the management of Ukrnafta. This decision was made by judge Vita Bortnitskaya, who once defended her dissertation with the help of Tatarov.
To legalise the actions of transferring “Ukrnaftoburinnya” under the management of “Ukrnafta,” it was necessary to obtain a document from the Antimonopoly Committee of Ukraine (AMCU) stating that such a merger did not result in market monopolisation.
This document was obtained, but with apparent signs of procedural and legal violations. In the future, it could become the subject of a criminal or anti-corruption case.
However, even these attempts at falsification proved pointless. What was supposedly being avoided by transferring the company to state management still happened.
The problematic licence, which was the reason for seizing “Ukrnaftoburinnya” from its owners, was annulled by the court. The company halted production at Sakhalinsk, at a time when Ukraine critically lacks energy resources.
Foto – Oil production in Ukraine
Deputy Kucherenko asked the ARMA management why, many months after the licence was revoked on November 28, 2023, the gas production company’s work had not resumed.
He also asked Koretsky whether the state manager of Ukrnaftoburinni, Oleg Malchik, was present at the court hearing on November 28, 2023. He further questioned the fact that instead of attending the court hearing about the fate of his company, Malchik went abroad, despite the fact that Ukrainian men aged 18 to 60 are prohibited from freely leaving the country during the war.
The main mystery is why ARMA, together with “Ukrnafta,” from August to November 2023, before the court’s decision to revoke the licence, did not appeal to the Cabinet of Ministers and the state geological service to withdraw the state regulator’s lawsuit?
Perhaps the true goal of the nationalisation of “Ukrnaftoburinnya” was not to save the enterprise but to destroy it, so that some company close to officials could profit from the field’s development?
The climax of absurdity from the perspective of state interests is the seizure of regional gas distribution companies from businessman Firtash into state ownership.
The payment level for gas by the population in Ukraine was already quite low before the full-scale war.
Following the sharp decline in income after the full-scale invasion, it fell to an extremely low level. Under the private owner (Firtash), the losses were borne by him, but after nationalisation, they became an additional burden on the state budget of Ukraine, which had a deficit of 18.6% of GDP in 2022 and 20.6% of GDP in 2023.
The budget deficit for 2024 is planned at 1.57 trillion UAH, but on July 15, the head of the parliamentary budget committee, Roksolana Pidlasa, announced that th budget still lacked 0.4-0.5 trillion UAH this year. At this time, the unpaid gas bills of impoverished Ukrainians are being covered by the state budget instead of billionaire Firtash.
It is likely that the initiators of the seizure of his gas distribution companies were guided by personal enrichment – schemes for gas misappropriation and theft are popular – rather than by state interests.
Will Ukraine be able to raise billions for its reconstruction if it cannot guarantee property rights to investors?
The July statement by the participants of “Manifesto 42” exudes pessimism. Nearly 2.5 years after Russia’s attack on Ukraine, Ukrainian businesses do not complain about the hardships of war and the severe destruction of the energy system that complicates their work.
They ask the authorities not to violate their constitutional rights to business and not to seize their property under the pretext of wartime needs.
Ukraine is desperately and heroically resisting Russian aggression. Each Russian missile strike leads to severe destruction and casualties in various cities across the country.
The destruction of the central children’s hospital in the capital, Kyiv, where Ukrainian children were being saved from cancer and other severe diseases, shocked the world. In a few hours, Ukrainian businesses raised tens of millions of euros to rebuild the clinic.
Not a single businessman who legally works in Ukraine, who financially and technically supports the army in countering Russian aggression, and who complains about the inconveniences associated with logistics issues, the partial occupation of Ukrainian territories and the mobilisation of the male population, can be completely sure that he will not face unfounded claims from corrupt judicial and law enforcement agencies and will not lose its business based on unfounded future accusations.
Tatarov Remains a Very Intimidating Figure
Investigative journalists and anti-corruption activists who consistently criticise Tatarov and claim that his actions delay Ukraine’s accession to NATO and the EU face criminal charges.
This threat extends even to those who have mobilised into the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU), as was stated by Daria Kaleniuk, Executive Director of the Anti-Corruption Action Centre, in the corridors of the discussion “A Decade of Transformation: Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption in Ukraine with EU Support.”
She referred specifically to the well-known activist Vitaliy Shabunin.
According to estimates by the UN, World Bank, and European Commission, rebuilding Ukraine after the war’s destruction will require 480 billion euros over the next 10 years.
At the “Reconstruction of Ukraine 2024” conference in Berlin in June 2024, Ukrainian authorities presented numerous projects vying for private investments from foreign investors. However, the risks of investment and property loss were not addressed.
The business world remains observant and cautious
Co-owner of the IT company Genesis, Volodymyr Mnogoletniy, stated in an interview with Forbes that in the two years of war, he had not seen a single major foreign investor willing to invest in Ukraine.
The primary investors and job creators in the country are Ukrainian enterprises, which are being oppressed by high-ranking officials.
Currently, insurance is only available against losses caused by the war. However, there is no insurance against property seizures by officials who were members of Yanukovych’s pro-Russian party, and now, during the war, have received unlimited power by occupying key leadership positions in the Office of Zelensky, a president who probably doesn’t even suspect the critical character of the situation that his inner circle has created.
(*) Alexander Stern
Analyst and journalist, born in 1973. He graduated from Riga Technical University in 1995. Until 2016, he worked as an analyst at ABLV Bank, one of the largest private banks in the Baltic States, headquartered in Riga (Latvia) with representative offices abroad from 1993 to 2018. Afterwards, he worked in France as a freelance investigation journalist. Consultant on business mergers and acquisitions.
The person in charge and organiser of this conference was H.E. Pujya Swami Rameshwarananda Giri Maharaj, president of the FIIT and the PHI Foundation. His role was crucial in coordinating the participation of different religious communities present in Spain. Prominent participants included figures from Catholic Christianity such as the Carmelite Sisters of Charity of Vedruna, represented by Gracia Gil and Rosa Ortí, as well as Amparo Navarro from the Jesuit Migrant Service. As for Judaism, Isaac Sananes from the Jewish Community of Valencia was present; while Hinduism was represented by Pandit Krishna Kripa Dasa (who presented his book “Lessons from the Eternal Path: The Santana Dharma, between matter and spirit“), Swamini Dayananda Giri. Elisabeth Gayan of Brahma Kumaris also participated, and Shaykh Mansur Mota participated on behalf of Islam, joining the meeting virtually.
Photo courtesy of (c) Marcos Soria Roca and the Fundacion PHI
In addition, leaders from other traditions that have recently joined the FIIT joined the event. Francisco Javier Piquer represented Protestantism and the Baha’i Faith was present through Clarisa Nieva and José Toribio attended, while Armando Lozano represented the Unification Church and Iván Arjona-Pelado was present on behalf of the Church of Scientology, the religion founded by L. Ron Hubbard, and which Arjona represents at European and United Nations level.
These meetings not only focused on the annual General Assembly of the FIIT, but also provided a space to present innovative proposals that promote interfaith dialogue. During the days, participants enjoyed activities that included readings from sacred texts, lectures and ceremonies specific to each tradition. A featured panel discussion was entitled “The Concept of Freedom”, which explored diverse religious perspectives and was streamed online to broaden its reach.
To respect the different dietary needs of the participants, the Campus PHI restaurant offered vegetarian menus adapted to each confession. Each day began and ended with prayers representative of different traditions, creating an inclusive and respectful atmosphere.
The programme also included experiences in contact with nature. Attendees enjoyed a “forest bath” in the Prado de las Monjas reservoir, as well as a guided tour of the campus facilities where water purification systems, renewable energies and an organic garden were presented. The day included a spiritual experience at the Vedantic Centre, where the monastic community shared moments of tranquillity and reflection.
Photo courtesy of (c) Marcos Soria Roca and the Fundacion PHI .
The meeting ended with a visit to the Franciscan convent of El Palancar in Pedroso de Acim, Cáceres, where the monks offered a warm welcome and led a joint interfaith prayer, symbolising the Transcendence Forum’s mission to unite different faiths in search of peace and mutual understanding.
August 3, 2024 marks the remembrance of the Yazidi tragedy, commemorating a chapter, in Iraq’s past. A decade ago, on this date in 2014, Da’esh (ISIS) terrorists perpetrated atrocities against the Yazidi community in Sinjar resulting in the brutal killing of 3,000 innocent civilians and the abduction of 7,000 women and children. Many of those taken captive endured experiences of slavery and were tragically used as human shields during the conflict.
A statement issued by the European Union’s High Representative praised the efforts of citizens and security forces in combating Da’esh with significant support from international partners. The EU has stood as an ally in countering terrorism and violent extremism.
The Yazidi, a community in culture and heritage, have played an integral role in Iraq’s social tapestry for generations. Despite ten years passing since these heinous acts occurred they continue to grapple with obstacles, especially concerning their return to Sinjar. Challenges such as security risks and limited access, to services impede the repatriation of displaced individuals.
The EU’s statement emphasized the pressing importance for both the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to honor their commitments outlined in the Sinjar Agreement. This agreement plays a role, in enhancing the living conditions in the area and supporting the return of internally displaced individuals (IDPs).
Recognizing the challenges faced by returning Yazidis the EU praised the government’s efforts to provide reconstruction aid, such as housing, education services and job opportunities. The EU has committed assistance to assist Yazidis as they transition from IDP camps back to their communities.
Additionally, UNITAD was commended for its work in collecting evidence for prosecutions in EU Member States. Preserving this evidence is essential not for delivering justice to Yazidi victims but for global accountability efforts against Da’eshs atrocities.
On the occasion of the anniversary of the Yazidi tragedy the EU reaffirmed its dedication to supporting the Yazidi community. Acknowledged that their journey towards recovery and justice is ongoing. Survivors of hardships among Yazidis are still awaiting recognition and accountability they rightfully deserve. The urgency for inclusive, secure and dignified solutions for displaced individuals is more critical, than ever.
Animal protection NGO, Cruelty Free Europe, urges Ursula von der Leyen’s incoming European Commission to accelerate plans to phase out animal testing after the release of statistics for 2021 and 2022 showed that progress in reducing the number of animals used in science in the European Union has stalled.
Cruelty Free Europe are, however, pleased to see a significant decrease in the use of animals in regulatory testing (tests which prove the safety and efficacy of consumer products), which is likely to be due to an increase in the adoption of approved non-animal testing methods. This has led to a 21% decrease in the use of animals in regulatory testing since 2020.
European Commission statistics[1] show that there were 9.34 million tests on animals in the EU and Norway in 2022. This is an 8% decrease from 2021 to 2022, but the number of tests has also risen by 7% since 2020.
At 2.13 million, France carried out the most tests using animals in the EU in 2022 – a rise of 29% since 2020. Germany conducted 1.73 million tests and Norway 1.41 million (95% of which involved fish). Spain conducted 1.12 million tests on animals, an increase of 53% on their 2020 total.
These top four countries accounted for 68% of the total number of tests involving animals in the EU in 2022.
There was a small decrease in tests which were reported to have caused ‘severe suffering’, from 2020 to 2022, but a significant increase of 19% in tests which caused moderate suffering (the second highest level of pain), to over 3.71 million. Overall, the number of tests causing moderate or severe suffering to the animals involved totalled 49%.
From 2020 to 2022, there were increases in the uses of:
Dogs – up 2% to 14,395
Monkeys – up 5% to 7,658
Horses, donkeys and cross-breeds– up 5% to 5,098
Rabbits – up 8% to 378,133
Goats – up 69% to 2,680
Pigs – up 18% to 89,687
Reptiles – up by 74% to 5,937
Cephalopods (e.g., squid and octopus) – up by 65% to 2,694
There were also decreases in the uses of:
Cats – down 15% to 3,383
Ferrets – down 27% to 941
Guinea pigs – down 23% to 86,192
Sheep – down 12% to 17,542
There was a decrease in some of the tests included on the RAT (Replace Animal Tests) List[2], created by Cruelty Free Europe founder, Cruelty Free International – a list of regulatory tests that have accepted and reliable non-animal replacements and could be ended immediately. For example, the number of skin and eye irritation, skin sensitisation and pyrogenicity tests fell in 2022 but still amounted to over 55,000. Shockingly, there was an 18% increase (to 49,309 procedures) in the use of the cruel and archaic ascites method of producing antibodies, a test which causes the most severe level of suffering.
The European Commission, in response to Cruelty Free Europe’s 2020 European Citizens’ Initiative, ‘Save Cruelty Free Cosmetics – Commit to a Europe Without Animal Testing’[4], promised last year to develop a roadmap to phase-out animal testing for chemical safety assessments [3]. Last month, in partnership with a group of animal protection NGOs, Cruelty Free Europe led a meeting with key stakeholders from across the European Union as a critical step towards creating a roadmap to end animal testing in Europe.
Cruelty Free Europe’s Head of Public Affairs, Dylan Underhill, said: “These new statistics show how important it is for the European Commission to continue and accelerate its work to end animal testing in Europe. As we enter a new cycle of politics in the European Union it is absolutely vital that we build on the work that has already been done, and double our efforts to speed up progress. We urge the Commission President to press upon her incoming Commissioners the importance of the mission to phase out animal testing, and will be calling on all of them to make this issue a shared priority.
“The 1.2 million people who signed our European Citizens’ Initiative illustrated the strength of feeling that there is on this issue, and we stand ready to help the European Commission take the bold steps forward that we need to reflect public opinion. Without this, we will be condemned to a never-ending cycle of stagnation and small reductions, when what we need is transformative change.”
Today, the European Artificial Intelligence Act (AI Act), the world’s first comprehensive regulation on artificial intelligence, enters into force. The AI Act is designed to ensure that AI developed and used in the EU is trustworthy, with safeguards to protect people’s fundamental rights. The regulation aims to establish a harmonised internal market for AI in the EU, encouraging the uptake of this technology and creating a supportive environment for innovation and investment.
The AI Act introduces a forward-looking definition of AI, based on a product safety and risk-based approach in the EU:
Minimal risk: Most AI systems, such as AI-enabled recommender systems and spam filters, fall into this category. These systems face no obligations under the AI Act due to their minimal risk to citizens’ rights and safety. Companies can voluntarily adopt additional codes of conduct.
Specific transparency risk: AI systems like chatbots must clearly disclose to users that they are interacting with a machine. Certain AI-generated content, including deep fakes, must be labelled as such, and users need to be informed when biometric categorisation or emotion recognition systems are being used. In addition, providers will have to design systems in a way that synthetic audio, video, text and images content is marked in a machine-readable format, and detectable as artificially generated or manipulated.
High risk: AI systems identified as high-risk will be required to comply with strict requirements, including risk-mitigation systems, high quality of data sets, logging of activity, detailed documentation, clear user information, human oversight, and a high level of robustness, accuracy, and cybersecurity. Regulatory sandboxes will facilitate responsible innovation and the development of compliant AI systems. Such high-risk AI systems include for example AI systems used for recruitment, or to assess whether somebody is entitled to get a loan, or to run autonomous robots.
Unacceptable risk: AI systems considered a clear threat to the fundamental rights of people will be banned. This includes AI systems or applications that manipulate human behaviour to circumvent users’ free will, such as toys using voice assistance encouraging dangerous behaviour of minors, systems that allow ‘social scoring’ by governments or companies, and certain applications of predictive policing. In addition, some uses of biometric systems will be prohibited, for example emotion recognition systems used at the workplace and some systems for categorising people or real time remote biometric identification for law enforcement purposes in publicly accessible spaces (with narrow exceptions).
To complement this system, the AI Act also introduces rules for so-called general-purpose AI models, which are highly capable AI models that are designed to perform a wide variety of tasks like generating human-like text. General-purpose AI models are increasingly used as components of AI applications. The AI Act will ensure transparency along the value chain and addresses possible systemic risks of the most capable models.
Application and enforcement of the AI rules
Member States have until 2 August 2025 to designate national competent authorities, who will oversee the application of the rules for AI systems and carry out market surveillance activities. The Commission’s AI Office will be the key implementation body for the AI Act at EU-level, as well as the enforcer for the rules for general-purpose AI models.
Three advisory bodies will support the implementation of the rules. The European Artificial Intelligence Board will ensure a uniform application of the AI Act across EU Member States and will act as the main body for cooperation between the Commission and the Member States. A scientific panel of independent experts will offer technical advice and input on enforcement. In particular, this panel can issue alerts to the AI Office about risks associated to general-purpose AI models. The AI Office can also receive guidance from an advisory forum, composed of a diverse set of stakeholders.
Companies not complying with the rules will be fined. Fines could go up to 7% of the global annual turnover for violations of banned AI applications, up to 3% for violations of other obligations and up to 1.5% for supplying incorrect information.
Next Steps
The majority of rules of the AI Act will start applying on 2 August 2026. However, prohibitions of AI systems deemed to present an unacceptable risk will already apply after six months, while the rules for so-called General-Purpose AI models will apply after 12 months.
To bridge the transitional period before full implementation, the Commission has launched the AI Pact. This initiative invites AI developers to voluntarily adopt key obligations of the AI Act ahead of the legal deadlines.
The Commission is also developing guidelines to define and detail how the AI Act should be implemented and facilitating co-regulatory instruments like standards and codes of practice. The Commission opened a call for expression of interest to participate in drawing-up the first general-purpose AI Code of Practice, as well as a multi-stakeholder consultation giving the opportunity to all stakeholders to have their say on the first Code of Practice under the AI Act.
Continued independent, evidence-based research produced by the Joint Research Centre (JRC) has been fundamental in shaping the EU’s AI policies and ensuring their effective implementation.
Latin America has always been known for its political landscape and intricate legal systems and few leaders represent the ideals of collaboration and legislative proficiency as well as Elias Ariel Castillo González. With more than thirty-five years dedicated to politics, Castillo is widely recognized for his commitment, honesty and strong leadership qualities. His present position, as the Executive Secretary of the Latin American Parliament (Parlatino) signifies a moment in a career shaped by a steadfast dedication to serving the public. The closest big event supported by Castillo, which will take place in September, aims to united civil society, politics, parliamentarians, academia and media, to join efforts in protecting and advancing freedom of religion or belief.
A Storied Career
Elias Castillo’s journey in politics began in Panama, where he quickly ascended the ranks due to his sharp intellect, strategic acumen, and deep connection with the people. His tenure in the National Assembly of Panama is particularly noteworthy, with him being elected as its president on three separate occasions. Such a record is a testament to his leadership skills and the trust he garnered from his peers.
The prestige of his career in Panama naturally extended to the broader Latin American arena. Castillo has been a dedicated member of the Latin American and Caribbean Parliament (Parlatino) for several terms. He served as president of Parlatino three times—a rare achievement that highlights his influence and effectiveness in fostering legislative dialogue and cooperation across national borders.
Leadership in Parlatino
As the Executive Secretary of the Latin American Parliament, Castillo’s role is multifaceted. It involves not only steering the legislative agenda but also ensuring that the diverse interests of member states are represented and reconciled. Under his stewardship, Parlatino has undertaken significant initiatives aimed at enhancing regional integration, promoting democratic governance, and addressing pressing issues such as climate change, human rights, and economic disparity.
Castillo’s leadership is marked by an inclusive approach. He strives to bring together legislators from different political, social, and economic backgrounds, fostering a collaborative environment where comprehensive and sustainable policies can be crafted. His vision extends beyond immediate legislative concerns to encompass long-term regional stability and prosperity.
A Visionary for the Future
One of Castillo’s most commendable traits is his forward-looking vision. He understands that the challenges facing Latin America—be they economic, environmental, or social—require innovative and collaborative approaches. He has been a vocal advocate for leveraging technology in governance, improving transparency, and enhancing public participation in legislative processes.
Elias Castillo’s work also reflects a deep commitment to social justice. He has consistently championed the rights of marginalized communities, advocating for policies that promote equality and inclusivity. His efforts in this regard are not confined to rhetoric but are evident in the tangible legislative measures he supports and the initiatives Parlatino has undertaken under his guidance.
Elias Castillo stands out as a paragon of legislative excellence in Latin America. His extensive career, marked by significant accomplishments both in Panama and on the regional stage, highlights the vital role of dedicated and visionary leadership in shaping the future of the region. As Executive Secretary of the Latin American Parliament, Castillo continues to lead with integrity, fostering a spirit of cooperation and championing the causes of democracy and development.
In the ever-evolving political landscape of Latin America, Elias Castillo remains a steadfast figure, piecing together the diverse and intricate mosaic of regional governance with unyielding dedication and unparalleled expertise.
